Rwandan government is on its defensive over Amnesty International campaign for freedom of expression in Rwanda. The campaign, under the theme “Unsafe to Speak out: Restrictions on Freedom of Expression in Rwanda”, is meticulous on the government’s numerous vague laws that pose unnecessary restrictions on people’s freedom of expression. One such law is the law on “repressing the crime of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes”, commonly referred to as the “genocide ideology” law. The major criticism is that the “genocide ideology” law is an instrument for government clampdown on, and criminalizing, President Paul Kagame’s critics. In a piece published by Rwanda’s newspaper, the New Times, the Prosecutor General of Rwanda endeavored, in vain, to justify the rationale and legality of the infamous “genocide ideology” law. A big number of leading opposition leaders and independent journalists have been prosecuted and convicted under this law. Thousands of high profile Rwandans fled the country for fear of being prosecuted under the vindictive “genocide ideology” law. Professor Peter Erlinder, a renowned American criminal lawyer and former lead defense counsel at the International criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, is awaiting trial in Rwanda under the same law.

The government’s argument is fallacious

Rwanda’s Prosecutor General, Mr. Martin Ngoga, advanced two arguments in support of the government premise that Rwanda needs the “genocide ideology” law. First, the Prosecutor drew a litany of regional groupings and countries which have ‘similar’ laws. He argued that because countries like France, Belgium, Australia, and Israel have ‘similar’ laws, Rwanda ‘needs’ the “genocide ideology” law. Second, Mr. Martin Ngoga argued that the crimes the “genocide law” seeks to punish are international in nature. Therefore, no issue should arise over Rwanda’s “genocide ideology” law. The Prosecutor General concluded that “[…] apart from the usual contempt with which the west holds Africans and their processes, where is the evil in the Rwandan Law?” The Prosecutor General’s arguments are fallacious and irrelevant to the discourse. Whether similar laws exist elsewhere is not in issue. The issue is whether or not the law on “genocide ideology” in Rwanda meets the international standards any law that imposes limits on people’s fundament rights must conform to. The concern is the quality of the law that punishes genocide or any other crime. In issue is not whether or not laws that punish genocide exist in any country. The principle is that people’s fundamental freedoms and rights must be protected. Where a state has compelling interest in limiting people’s fundamental freedoms and rights, the law thereto must meet some prescribed minimum international standards. Unlike the Prosecutor General’s unsubstantiated argument, the problem is not about the ‘west’ vis-à-vis Africans. Amnesty International, like other human rights bodies, is calling on the government of Rwanda to protect and preserve the citizens’ inalienable rights.

Rwanda, a country without justice
Rwanda, a country without justice

Quality of Rwanda’s “genocide ideology” law

The law No 33 bis/2003 of September 6, 2003 “Repressing the crime of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes”, article4, provides that Shall be sentenced to an imprisonment of ten (10) to twenty (20) years, any person who will have publicly shown, by his or her words, writings, images, or by any other means, that he or she has negated the genocide committed, rudely minimised it or attempted to justify or approve its grounds, or any person who will have hidden or destroyed its evidence. Where the crimes mentioned in the preceding paragraph are committed by an association or a political party, its dissolution shall be pronounced”.  

The law on “genocide ideology” is ambiguous, overbroad and lacks precision:

Rwanda’s “genocide ideology” law is laden with vague, ambiguous and over generalized terms. It is ‘a catchall’ law. The law confuses genuine incidents of hate speech and legitimate freedom of thought and expression. Article 4 of the “genocide ideology” law curtails pluralism, tolerance and openness in debating issues of national concern. For examples, which conduct, under article 4 of the “genocide ideology” law, consists or does not consist of ‘negating genocide’? What action or speech consists of ‘rudely minimizing genocide’? The law does not define which conduct is within the scope of “negating genocide” and “minimizing genocide”. There is no certainty over which conduct is prohibited or not prohibited. Law abiding Rwandans are not put on notice of the forbidden conduct or speech. However, it is an established tenet that laws restricting people’s freedom of speech and right to opinion must be accessible, unambiguous, drawn narrowly and with precision. Article 4 of law No. 33 bis/2003 fails on these standards.


True, freedom of speech and the right to opinion under the Constitution of Rwanda and International human rights law instruments are not absolute. Article 34 of Rwandan constitution subjects the enjoyment of the right of freedom of press and information to: “respect of public order and good morals, the right of every citizen to honour, good reputation and the privacy and family life and the protection of the youth and minors”. Article 9 (2) of the African Charter on human and people rights stipulates that “every individual shall have the right to express and disseminate his opinion within the Law”. Article 19 of the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, also allows for reasonable limitations on freedom of speech and the right to opinion. However, any such limit must confirm to specific international human rights law principles.

The law does not meet the standards of “necessity and proportionality”

Any restriction to people’s freedom of expression and right of opinion must be subjected to the twin principles of necessity and proportionality. The principle of necessity requires that restrictions on the people’s right of expression and opinion serve permissible purposes and are necessary to protect those purposes. First, the Rwandan law confuses genuine incidents of hate speech and legitimate freedom of thought and expression. Second, the law does not strike a balance between prohibiting hate speech and supporting freedom of opinion and expression. Consequently, the law paralyzes   any meaningful debate on social and political issues that have any bearing on genocide. Ultimately, the purpose of the “genocide ideology” law is to ban meaningful debate. This is not permissible purpose.

The crime of “negating and minimizing” the crime of genocide is silent on the required mental element

Article 4 of law No. 33 bis/2003, does not indicate any required mental element for “negating and minimizing” genocide. It is unclear whether the law requires that the accused intentionally or knowingly or recklessly “negated” or “minimized” genocide. This law criminalizes all bonafide speech that touches on the controversy over the causes, victims and perpetrators of the 1994 genocide.


Penal statutes that restrict people’s freedom of expression because the subject matter is controversial are inconsistent with the demands of protecting people’s freedom of speech as required by Article 33 of Rwanda’s constitution. Article 33 of Rwandan constitution provides that “Freedom of thought, opinion, conscience, religion, worship and the public manifestation thereof is guaranteed by the State …” No condition or restriction may broadly stifle people’s freedoms and rights. The United States Supreme Court in, Shelton v Tucker, 364 US 479, 488 (1960), is categorical that “ […] Even though the Government’s purpose be legitimate and substantial, that purpose cannot be pursued by means that broadly stifle fundamental personal liberties when the end can be more narrowly achieved”.

The “genocide ideology” law appears a catalyst of imminent atrocities in the country.

The ultimately purpose of Rwanda’s “genocide ideology” law ought to be prevention of genocide. The root cause of genocide is failure by groups of people to co-exist with others they consider “bad” people. Genocide is a symptom of failure, by society, to embrace pluralism, diversity and other democratic values. The narrowest way of preventing genocide is to institutionalize co-existence of people with diverse views. Rwandan political culture is characterized by genocide, ethnic based hatred and elimination of political opponents. By curtailing objective political debate in the country, the “genocide ideology” law has the effect to exclude and eliminate government critics and promote violation of people’s human rights. In Organization for a Better Austin v Keefe, 402 US 415, 419 (1971) the United States Supreme court observed that “Criticism of public measures or comment on government action [definitions] however strongly worded is within reasonable limits and is consistent with the fundamental right of freedom of speech and expression. This right is not confined to informed and responsible criticism but includes the freedom to speak foolishly and without moderation. So long as the means are peaceful, the communication need not meet standards of common acceptability”


The spirit and letter of Article 4 of law No. 33 bis/2003 fails to recognize that freedom of opinion and expression cannot be limited to information and ideas that are favorably received or regarded as offensive. Freedom of opinion and expression extend also to information that offend and shock or disturb the state or any sector of the population. The European Court of Human Rights, in Handyside v United Kingdom (EHRR) 737 (1979-80), reasoned that “such are the demands of that pluralism, tolerance and broadmindedness without which there is no democratic society”. Rwanda’s “genocide ideology” law goes deep into the country’s social and political fabrics to ruin the foundations of democracy.


Some provisions of Rwanda’s law on “Repressing the crime of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes” are inconsistent with the international human rights legal instruments Rwanda signed and ratified. It is a bad law to the extent it is vague, ambiguous and overbroad. In its current form, the Rwandan law on “genocide ideology” does not serve any legitimate purpose. The law is unnecessary. The “genocide ideology” law fails on the basic principles of a good penal statute to the extent it does not put law abiding people on notice of the forbidden conduct or speech. The “genocide ideology” law does not provide sufficient and specific limits on enforcement discretion of the police; it fails on definiteness and clarity. It appears the statute is meant for other purposes, not justice.



Charles KM KAMBANDA, Dip.Phil. BA., LLB., MA. ETPM., MBA., MA. HRTs., LLM., PhD

Commentaires : 66
  • #66

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  • #62

    RUBANDIBIRORA (lundi, 13 juin 2011 16:11)

    ubundi uyu Ngoga Martin yali akwiye kwegura kuko nta gaciro agifite nk'umunyamategeko kuko bigaragara ko akorera FPR aho gukorera abanyarwanda. Niyo mpamvu ubutabera bwalindagiye.Iyo haba mu gihugu kigendera kuli demokrasi amakosa menshi yakozwe nuyu mugabo afungira abantu ubusa, adashobora gushimangira amahame remezo y'abanyamategeko yo kurenganura abarengana, akajya gufatanya na Kagame, DMI,na Nziza mukwica abantu no kubaligisa akwiye guhita afatwa agashyikilizwa inkiko. Turasaba ko na mandats akora zo gufata abantu zitahabwa agaciro kuko nta muntu ujya kwica abantu urubozo ngo ajye no kurengera amategeko
    Tuzabagezaho mu gihe kili imbere imikorere mibi ya Ngoga Martin na Karugarama Tharcisse bahekuye abanyarwanda.

  • #61

    Charline (mardi, 07 juin 2011 19:05)

    What? That Dr. Kambanda failed to lead the University because he was only fucking University girls????? Jesus, I am sure these failed Kagame boys and girls never have time to think before they write. These guys do not know Dr. Charles Kambanda. They think he ever was a Rector!!! That is what Professor Nshuti once wrote also!!! Mana!! The is Professor Deo Kambanda and Professor Charles Kambanda. Dr. Charles Kambanda used to tell us that Professor Deo Kambanda is his mentor. The two Kambanda were famous at the National University for being VERY INTELLIGENT. eVEN THEN, Professor Deo Kambanda, as a Rector, did a great job in very difficult times. He was never involved with any university female student. These guys are only trying to spoil people's credentials. Professor Kambanda Charles, we miss your intelligence. You were mean on marks but you knew what you were doing. NUR will never replace you.

  • #60

    Bravo Kambanda (mardi, 07 juin 2011 11:24)

    Me too I like prof. Kambanda. he is an intelligent Man. Big up Kambanda!!

  • #59

    Rwamamara (mardi, 07 juin 2011 10:14)

    @Icyombona #53, ikibazo n'uko izo ntore zirwana umuhenerezo zizanamo n'amabyi nk'uko shebuja ayahoza mu kanwa atuka abandi. Izo ntore ntizizi kujya impaka zidakangata cg ngo zikoreshe ibitutsi. Ngo ni byo bituma batera abandi ubwo abandi bahabahunga mama we

  • #58

    Mugisha (lundi, 06 juin 2011 18:26)

    Professor Kambanda!!!! This guy is excellent. I feel pround of having been one of his students. I feel rewarded. His analysis is always scientific. Even those cursing him, they would hardly find any gap in his reasoning. Dr. Kambanda, you are beyond. God give you that great gift of intelligence. I love you

  • #57

    The genocide ideology law as a tool to oppress or kill (lundi, 06 juin 2011 13:48)

    The genocide ideology law is there to oppress anyone with different views.

    It is not a law, it is an oppression tool to silence any Hutu or Tutsi willing to reconcile as true reconciliation, true justice can omit kagame from power


  • #56

    Alex (lundi, 06 juin 2011 11:39)

    None ko mbona uru Rwanda rubuza abantu gukore ubushakashatsi kuri genocide kandi aribyo bya tuma kumenye neza ukuri kubyabaye bigatuma habaho neza ubwiyunge bushingiye ku kuri ; murabona atari amakosa koko .

    Njye ndumva u rwanda rwari rukwiye kureka abantu bagakora recherche kuri génocide kuko ibintu byinshi bigaragaza ko fpr inkotanyi na Kagame aribo ba teye ubwicyanyi bise génocide kugirango bifatire igihugu kandi banakurikirane abahoze bazi ubwenge bose bababeshyerako bateguye iyi bise génocide.
    Ibyo rero ndumva ari recherche sur le génocide yagararaza aho ukuri guherereye.

  • #55

    Amategeko azabagaruka nabo abacire imanza (lundi, 06 juin 2011 10:23)

    FPR irimo kwishimira gushiraho amategeko
    no guhindura itegeko nshinga uko yishakiye
    nyabwo izi ko igiye kuvaho ,noneho tuzabacire imanza dukoresheje ayo mategeko yabo mabi
    nibamara gucibwa imanza tuzayavanaho
    natwe tuzabahanisha ayo mategeko bashizeho

    tubateze iminsi ,yavuba aha


  • #54

    Kibeshyumuhanga (lundi, 06 juin 2011 09:47)

    U Rwanda ngo rwageze ku majyambere, rufite ikorana-buhanga,....

    1-Niba rapport za ONU zemeza ko 65% z' abanyarwanda ari abatindinyakujya,25 % bakaba abakene naho 5% abaherwe, u Rwanda rwateye imbere gute?

    2-Rapport zerekana ikoreshwa rya energie, rigaragaza ko mu Rwanda hari amashanyarazi +/- ku bantu 5%. Abandi ni peterori, buji n' icuraburindi. Wakora ute ikoranabuhanga utagira amashanyarazi?

    3-Mu baherwe 5% babarizwa mu mijyi, 4% nta mazi ahagije munzu zabo bagira. 1% bo n' amahoteri bakaba bayafite. Abo 4% bituma mundobo, bakajya kumena mu misarani yo hanze. Donc ikoreshwa na 95%. Ayo ni majyambere nyabaki?

  • #53

    ICYOMBONA (lundi, 06 juin 2011 09:34)

    GUSA MWESE MUJYE MUSHIMIRA Muti kuki: Ari abari hanze mwari mwarabuze urwinyagamburiro, muravugaaa agahinda kagashira kandi burya Ukuli gushirira....

    Ari INTORE, zabuze aho zihuragurira none zarasekewe..dore ko banazitumye kuzajya zirwana Umuhenerezo hano kuri za Sites.

    Njyewe nkurikije ukuntu FPR yanga LEPROPHETE.FR Narinziko Nta NTORE yakandagira hano. NONE MUZAREBE babuzenaho bakwirwa.

    Ariko NEWS TIME( KANGURA Y' INTORE) nta mwanya itanga wo kuvuga? Nako bagira Kimwe KITWA IGIHE.COM....


  • #52

    Jim (lundi, 06 juin 2011 08:41)

    Some paople like Ng'onga think that they are more intelligent that other,bararye bari mennnnnnjye kuko abanyarwanda turi hanze ntidusinzira.Dukurikirana byose bibera i rwanda no hanze ari nako dukomeza kurya ibitabo.Reka tuyige,ndibaza ko igihe kiri hafi mukumirwa.

  • #51

    Kagame also is guilty of genocide ideology (lundi, 06 juin 2011 08:07)

    ( according to this opinion, Kagame also is guilty of genocide ideology- look and compare)

    Pan Butamire-Newtimes,June 4th,2011 ( check his blog)

    When a Rwandan calls on other Rwandans to go “to work”, which foreign human rights activist can get the double-entente? Depending on the context, hasn’t it ever meant a call to commit genocide?


    When President Kagame gives a speech boasting of his ability " to dry up/ finish the water from a barrel/ tank using a spoon ", which foreign governments supporting Kagame can get the double-antente? Depending on the context, hasn't it ever meant a declaration/ confession of genocide ( exterminating the hutus, no matter how many they are,killing them all one by one)

    Commentary:If there were no double standards in the rwandan justice system, Kagame, should have been brought to justice for Genocide ideology by now.

  • #50

    @answer to Umunyeshuli 20 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 08:00)


    Sasa, reka nkubwire. Ntakibi mukumenya amakuru n'ibireba u Rwanda, ariko umuntu wiga mu wa kane secondary, nakugira inama yo kutishyushya umutwe n'ibingibi.uzaba ubitekerezaho ikindi gihe, iyi nama nakugira n'inkiyo nakagira murumuna wanjye. iga amasomo yawe, menya ubwenjye, byaba ibya science cyangwa technology, cyangwa andi masomo ukunda cyane.hari amahirwe menshi mu Rwanda kubona abanyeshuli bafite ejo hazaza heza, cyane cyane abashishikariye amasomo. simvuze ko gutekereza kubintu bya politiki ari bibi, ariko ndumva nakugira inama ko bitakurangaza. gerageza kubona 90% mubintu byose wiga. nyuma y'imyaka 10 ntabwo uza regreta izi nama.nubikora , abanyeshuli bagenzi bawe bazabona ko utanga urugero rwiza. Icyangombwa mbona cyabafasha n'uko mwabana kivandimwe, iyo byaba byashobokaga yewe ntimwite no kumenya cyane uvuga ukuri cyangwa utavuga ukuri, nimube busy with things that are going to help you in your personal lives first. when it is time to contribute to the country's future politically, may be 15 yeas down the road, you will have formed your own opinions and convictions and not biased by whatever side and therefore your contribution will be more original and help take the country to a next level. In fact If I were you,I would stop visiting this website altogether.Ibi kandi nkubwiye ndabikubwira ku giti cyannjye nk'umuntu ukunda abana b'abanyarwanda abaribo bose ntavangura kandi ukwifuriza ibyiza mubuzima buzaza

  • #49

    Akabazo (lundi, 06 juin 2011 05:30)

    Umuntu yavug ate? Ahubwo Kuko jye nzi neza ukuntu genocide ari ikintu gikomeye ntabwo ari igikinisho umuntu ahoza mu kanwa nkaho ariyo ntsinzi! Kubwibyo rero mbone hari ukuyipfobya kwa leta ariko ntibigaragarire Bose ! None se umwana wavutse 94 afite ingengabitekerezo ! Uwunomunsi nuko! None se ni icyaha cy'inkomoko jya numva? None se abantu b'ubwoko bumwe nibo bagira ingengabitekerezo gusa? Icyo nasaba abayobozi bacu nuko bajya bakurikirana umuntu wese uyigaragayeho yaba Hutu cg Tutsi naho ubundi ndabona Nta ejo hazaza bategurira urwanda ! Ni ugusubira mu mateka gusa!

  • #48

    Akabazo (lundi, 06 juin 2011 05:17)

    Jye maze iminsi nitegereza politike ya gournement yurwanda n'abayirwanya ariko icyo nashoboye kubona nuko ikibazo gihari ntabwo guverinema y' u Rwanda Yari yabasha gusobanurira impamvu inengwa ahubwo igisubizo kigaruka buri gihe ni genocide, gupfobya genocide , ingengabitekerezo ya genocide! Ikibazo none kugira NGO umuntu avuge

  • #47

    UKURI KUBISI (lundi, 06 juin 2011 04:38)

    Dear Rwandans,

    I am so disgusted by unnecessary and empty comments issued by Kagame's cronies called"INTORE" on important issues such as this one from Dr.KAMBANDA!
    It is indeed obsolete that without any thorough and convincing arguments on issues of high importance, these Kagame's cronies have only one word as an answer or argument to oppose to any discussion to the extent that it has become their only argument !
    That word "GENOCIDE" has become their only political weapon of Rwanda and Rwandans' self- destruction, their financial cry for international help to international donors and frankly speaking, this word"genocide" has therefore become meaningless and worthless !!!!!!! Without that word, Kagame and his cronies have no clear politcal, social and economi policies !!!!!

    Shame on you, Kagame and his cronies!!! But mind you, the whole world now know you better than ever !!!!!!! Your end is near !!!!!!

  • #46

    Rwogera (lundi, 06 juin 2011 04:34)

    Kambanda afite inyandiko irimo ubwenge. Analysis ye irahanitse. Ni ubwambere nsomye umunyarwanda wandika iby'amategeko akabisesengurana ubutabogama kandi agatanga ingero.
    Ikibabaje rero nuko mbona abasomyi benshi basabitswe n'ubuhezanguni kandi bikaba bigaragara ko Kambanda ari gucurangira abahetsi.
    Nagira ngo mbibutse ko nitudashyira mu gaciro ngo twitandukanye n'abahezanguni (Abahutu n' Abatutsi)tuzaba dukomeje gutiza umurindi abari kuducamo ibice baducukurira urwobo kandi abadukomokaho bose tuzaba turi kubasigira umurage mubi. Rubyiruko, mwime amatwi ababashyiramo urwango niyo yaba ari nyoko cyangwa so, cyangwa nyokowanyu wimwumva kuko ejo azagusiga mu mazi abira.

    Ndabakunda mwese kandi nkunda n'u rwambyaye.


  • #45

    Kambanda and Leon Mugesera the some ideology 2 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 04:19)

    The new propaganda of Hutu extremist to continuos the discrimination in Rwandese family.The ring leader:Father Thomas Nahimana,Father Fortunatus Rudakemwa,
    Kambanda Charles, Leon Mugesera the some ideology ,Paul Rusesabagina,Condo,Victory Ingabire,Mbonyumutwa shingiro,Ntaganda Bernard and others.
    The "Hutu Ten Commandments" (also "Ten Commandments of the Bahutu") was a document published in the December 1990 edition of Kangura, an anti-Tutsi, pro-Hutu, Kinyarwanda-language newspaper in Kigali, Rwanda. The Hutu Ten Commandments are often cited as a prime example of anti-Tutsi propaganda that was promoted by extremists in Rwanda following the 1990 invasion by the Rwandan Patriotic Front and prior to the 1994 Rwandan Genocide.The chief editor of Kangura, Hassan Ngeze, was convicted of genocide and crimes against humanity in 2003 by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and was sentenced to 35 years' imprisonment.

    The Hutu Ten Commandments
    1. Every Hutu should know that a Tutsi woman, whoever she is, works for the interest of her Tutsi ethnic group. As a result, we shall consider a traitor any Hutu who

    marries a Tutsi woman
    befriends a Tutsi woman
    employs a Tutsi woman as a secretary or a concubine.

    2. Every Hutu should know that our Hutu daughters are more suitable and conscientious in their role as woman, wife and mother of the family. Are they not beautiful, good secretaries and more honest?
    3. Hutu women, be vigilant and try to bring your husbands, brothers and sons back to reason.
    4. Every Hutu should know that every Tutsi is dishonest in business. His only aim is the supremacy of his ethnic group. As a result, any Hutu who does the following is a traitor:
    makes a partnership with Tutsi in business
    invests his money or the government's money in a Tutsi enterprise
    lends or borrows money from a Tutsi
    gives favours to Tutsi in business (obtaining import licenses, bank loans, construction sites, public markets, etc.).
    5. All strategic positions, political, administrative, economic, military and security should be entrusted only to Hutu.
    6. The education sector (school pupils, students, teachers) must be majority Hutu.
    7. The Rwandan Armed Forces should be exclusively Hutu. The experience of the October 1990 war has taught us a lesson. No member of the military shall marry a Tutsi.
    8. The Hutu should stop having mercy on the Tutsi.
    9. The Hutu, wherever they are, must have unity and solidarity and be concerned with the fate of their Hutu brothers.
    The Hutu inside and outside Rwanda must constantly look for friends and allies for the Hutu cause, starting with their Hutu brothers.
    They must constantly counteract Tutsi propaganda.
    The Hutu must be firm and vigilant against their common Tutsi enemy.
    10. The Social Revolution of 1959, the Referendum of 1961, and the Hutu Ideology, must be taught to every Hutu at every level. Every Hutu must spread this ideology widely. Any Hutu who persecutes his brother Hutu for having read, spread, and taught this ideology is a traitor.

  • #44

    Kambanda and Leon Mugesera the some ideology (lundi, 06 juin 2011 04:11)

    Léon Mugesera is a Rwandan man, resident in Quebec, Canada since 1992. He is currently facing deportation from Canada for an inflammatory anti-Tutsi speech which his critics allege was a precursor to the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

    An ethnic Hutu, Mugesera has been a member of the dominant Hutu MRND party, which had close ties to the military. He was MRND Vice-Chairman for Gisenyi prefecture. [1]

    In a speech given on November 22, 1992 in Rwanda, Mugesera allegedly told 1000 party members that "we the people are obliged to take responsibility ourselves and wipe out this scum" and that they should kill Tutsis and "dump their bodies into the rivers of Rwanda." [2]

    Following this speech, the Rwandan Minister of Justice, Stanislas Mbonampeka, issued an arrest warrant against him for inciting hatred. He fled with his family first to the Rwandan army and then to Quebec City in Quebec, Canada. Shortly afterwards, Mbonampeka resigned as Minister of Justice in protest. [3]

  • #43

    THE TRUE STORY OF RWANDA 5 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:51)

    Economic Transformation

    During President Kagame’s leadership, the country has experienced a significant economic transformation which translated into alleviating poverty and improving the lives of all Rwandans. The real GDP growth increased from 2.2% in 2003 to 7.2% in 2010 with a peak growth of 11.5% in 2008. Overall, the average growth rate has been 7%. This was achieved through the long-term economic development plan, Vision 2020, and its medium-term strategy, the Economic Development Poverty Reduction Strategy (EDPRS) which gives a clear direction on how to move from poverty to a middle income country. From Vision 2020, a blend of programs and policies have been formulated and implemented in several key sectors- agriculture, investment, tourism and ICT. The Green Revolution: The End of Subsistence Agriculture In 2007, His Excellency the President launched the Crop Intensification Program (CIP) as part of the Integrated Development Program (IDP) which transformed the agriculture sector. The program aimed to consolidate land and cultivate a limited number of crops (the ones most adapted to the region), to increase the use of fertilizers and improved seeds. This resulted in growth of the sector of 7.6% in 2010 against 2.7% in 2007. This program was also complemented by the ‘one cow per poor family’ targeting the neediest Rwandans.

    Top Ten Global Reformer

    A series of reforms have been implemented to create a conducive environment for business. Rwanda was ranked one of the top ten global reformers in the World Bank Doing Business Survey 2010, and second global reformer out of 183 countries. Rwanda is also the 9th easiest place to start a business in the world and the 6th most competitive economy in Sub-Saharan Africa according to the 2010 World Economic Forum global Competitiveness Report. These reforms have been made possible by Government of Rwanda’s commitment to a politically stable country with well functioning institutions, rule of law and zero tolerance for corruption.

    Tourism on the rise

    Rwanda has become widely recognized as one of the safest countries in the world. The city of Kigali is the first city in Africa to be bestowed the prestigious Habitat Scroll of Honor Award in recognition of its cleanliness, peacefulness and security. With its rich biodiversity, stunning natural beauty and excellent climate, Rwanda is becoming an increasingly popular tourist destination. Gorilla tracking in the Virungas is the country’s premier attraction, supplemented by the mesmerizing savannah and plains wildlife of Akagera National Park, the incredible biodiversity of the extensive Nyungwe rainforest and a range of hills and lakeshore beaches around the expansively beautiful Lake Kivu. In 2010, Rwanda hosted 666,000 visitors who generated US$ 200M- a 14% increase from 2009.

    ICT for all

    In line with the Government of Rwanda’s commitment to increase nationwide access to ICT, the rollout of fiber optic cable has been completed. The use of technology was also extended to the agricultural sector with the establishment of E-Soko- an Agricultural Market Information System that has been deployed to provide farmers with reliable, up-to-date market price information. With this infrastructure, service delivery in public and private sectors will be dramatically improved and access to information will no longer be a luxury as high–speed internet connectivity becomes affordable and accessible.

  • #42

    THE TRUE STORY OF RWANDA 4 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:47)

    With the 1994 genocide, the justice system went from being characterized by weak judicial organs and a lack of lawyers to a total loss of all of its qualified professionals. In an effort to rebuild this crucial sector, the Government of Rwanda committed to establishing a justice sector capable of providing a solution to the larger number of cases, the need to for a stable environment for investment and business and the decentralization of the justice system. One of the most successful undertakings is the revival of the Gacaca court- the traditional mechanism to resolve disputes. Gacaca courts were a response to the extremely high number of genocide related cases that would have taken over 100 years to be tried. With truth telling and reconciliation taking precedence over punishment and retribution, Gacaca courts was able to prosecute 1.5 million people. Most importantly, Gacaca has become a key part of the reconciliation process

  • #41

    THE TRUE STORY OF RWANDA 3 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:46)

    Coming from a period of rampant tribalism, regionalism and corruption, Rwanda had become a country of severe inequalities however the post 1994 Government undertook a number of anti-corruption measures and institutionalized non-discrimination as the framework for service delivery. Political will and the support of the public have led to the creation of institutions to fight corruption and impunity such as the Ombudsman’s Office, the Auditor General Office, the National Public Prosecution Authority, National Police, Rwanda Public Procurement Authority and the Rwandan Revenue Authority. With these efforts, Rwanda has been internationally recognized for its zero tolerance policy. Transparency International’s perception index ranked Rwanda 8th in Africa- an improvement from its 89th position in 2009. The East African Bribery Index ranked Rwanda the least corrupt country in East Africa.

  • #40

    THE TRUE STORY OF RWANDA 2 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:45)

    Democracy and Democratic Processes in Rwanda

    After 1994, Rwanda steadily and progressively built the foundations and institutional framework for a modern democratic polity that responds in a principled way to its deeply divided legacy. Today, with a new Constitution, separation of the three branches of power, good governance through decentralization, the fight against corruption and a new justice system, the government of Rwanda has established a credible, inclusive and effective Government.

    Branches of Government

    The Government of Rwanda has three branches of Government namely the Executive, Legislature, and Judiciary. While separate and independent, the work of these three branches is complementary. Executive authority in Rwanda is vested in the President and Cabinet, emphasizing both the direct electoral mandate of the president as well as the collegial nature of decision-making implicit in cabinet government. The term of office of the president is limited to two terms and President Paul Kagame is currently serving his second term. The Senate and the Chamber of Deputies Parliament is composed of the Senate and Chamber of Deputies in charge of passing laws, legislating and overseeing executive action in accordance with procedures determined by the Constitution. The Supreme Court and other Courts exercise judicial power and are independent and separate from both the Executive and the Legislative branches of Government.

    A new Constitution: Free and Fair Elections & the Protection of Human Rights

    The Rwandan Constitution institutionalizes a systematic electoral process, with free and fair elections and guaranteed what no Rwandan constitution had done before: the equality of all people in rights and duties and before the Law, the right to physical and mental integrity, the prohibition of discrimination of all kind, torture, application of retrospective laws and punishments, freedom of press and information, and freedom of association and assembly. It also provides for a right to education through a compulsory and free universal primary education. With offices such as Human Rights Commission, the Office of the Ombudsman and the Gender Monitoring Office, Rwanda has institutionalized the protection of human rights.

  • #39

    THE TRUE STORY OF RWANDA (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:41)


    For centuries, Rwanda existed as a centralized monarchy under a succession of Tutsi kings from one clan, who ruled through cattle chiefs, land chiefs and military chiefs. The king was supreme but the rest of the population, Bahutu, Batutsi and Batwa, lived in symbiotic harmony. In 1899, Rwanda became a German colony and, in 1919, the system of indirect rule continued with Rwanda as a mandate territory of the League of Nations, under Belgium. From 1959, Batutsi were targeted, causing hundreds of thousands of deaths and sending almost two million of them into exile. The First Republic, under President Gregoire Kayibanda, and the second, under President Juvenal Habyarimana, institutionalized discrimination against Batutsi and subjected them to periodmassacres.

    The Rwandese Alliance for National Unity (RANU) was formed in 1979 by Rwandan refugees in exile, to mobilize against divisive politics and genocide ideology, repeated massacres, statelessness and the lack of peaceful political exchange.. In 1987, RANU became the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF). On 1 October 1990, the RPF launched an armed liberation struggle that ultimately ousted the dictatorship in 1994 and ended the genocide of more than one million Batutsi and massacres of moderate Bahutu who opposed the genocide.

    After Kigali fell to RPA (RPF’s armed wing) on 4 July 1994, RPF formed a Government of National Unity headed by President Pasteur Bizimungu, bringing parties that did not participate in the genocide together. In 2000, Parliament voted out President Pasteur Bizimungu and RPF appointed then Vice-President and Minister of Defense, Major General Paul Kagame as the President of the Republic to lead the coalition government. In 2003 President Paul Kagame was elected with landslide majority to serve a term of seven years. During those seven years, the country made unprecedented socio-economic and political progress and consolidated peace, stability as well as social cohesion among Rwandans.. In 2010, President Paul Kagame was re-elected to serve a second term and on a platform of rapid development for the transformation of the lives of all Rwandans.

  • #38

    AKANA K`IWACU (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:30)

    Ingengabitekerezo ya Jenoside

    Ishyaka Riharanira Demokarasi no Kurengera Ibidukikije mu Rwanda ryemera rwose ko ikibazo cy’ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside cyatangiye kera mu myaka ya 1950 nyuma y’ihirima ry’ingoma ya cyami, bigakomeza biganisha kuri jenoside y’Abatutsi yo mu 1994. Iyi ngengabitekerezo ya jenoside ni ibikorwa, amagambo n’imigambi yo kurimbura abavandimwe b’abanyarwanda, ariko kuva mu 1994, jenoside ikiri mu mitwe yacu, iyi jenoside yibasiye Abatutsi kurusha abandi bantu abaribo bose.

    Turamagana byimazeyo uwariwe wese waba afite imigambi yo gusubiza inyuma igihugu, mu bihe nk’ibya jenoside yo mu 1994.

  • #37

    GUKUMIRA AMACAKUBIRI YANYU 2 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:27)

    Amategeko agenga imanza z’inshinjabyaha yo muri Liechtenstein ateganya ibihano ku muntu wese uhakana, upfobya, cyangwa ushaka gusobanura ishingiro (justify) rya Jenoside cyangwa ibindi byaha byibasiye inyoko muntu hakoreshejwe amagambo, inyandiko, amashusho, ikoranabuhanga, ibimenyetso by’intoki (gestures), ibikorwa by’ubugizi bwa nabi n’ibindi.

    Ngoga ati “Mu gihe muri ibyo bihugu hari amagambo atemerewe gukoreshwa, bo babyita kwamagana ihakana rya jenoside cyangwa kurwanya imvugo y’urwango, mu gihe kuri twe bavuga ko tubikoresha muri politiki.”

    Umushinjacyaha Mukuru Ngoga akaba asanga ikibazo gihari ari uko abo muri ayo mahanga bafata ayo mategeko yabo nk’abuza urwango mu bantu, ariko u Rwanda rwabikora bigafatwa nabi, ati "ibi ni ugufata ibintu ukubiri (double standards/deux poids, deux mésures)."

    Bwana Ngoga asoza agira ati " nyuma y’aya mategeko yose y’i Burayi, uretse agasuzuguro basanzwe bagirira Afurika, ni iki wagaya itegeko ry’u Rwanda?"

  • #36

    GUKUMIRA AMACAKUBIRI YANYU (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:27)

    U Rwanda sirwo rwonyine ruhana icyaha cy'ingengabitekerezo ya Jenoside
    Nyuma y’aho itegeko rihana ingengabitekerezo ya Jenoside mu Rwanda rikomeje kuvugwaho cyane n'abantu batandukanye nk’itangazamakuru mpuzamahanga, imiryango mpuzamahanga iharanira uburenganzira bwa muntu, ndetse na bamwe mu banyarwanda, Umushinjacyaha Mukuru w’u Rwanda Martin Ngoga yagize icyo abivugaho.

    Umushinjacyaha Mukuru Ngoga akaba avuga ko amategeko ashyirwaho hakurikijwe ibyo gihugu gikeneye muri icyo gihe cyangwa mu gihe kizaza. Ati “ariko n’ubwo amategeko asabwa gukurikiza amahame mpuzamahanga, ntibiba bivuze ko amategeko y’ibihugu byose agomba gusa (conformity does not mean similarity).”

    Bwana Ngoga yemera ko koko itegeko ry’u Rwanda rihana icyaha cya Jenoside ryagiye rivugwaho nabi n’itangazamakuru mpuzamahanga n’imiryango itagengwa na Leta, aho avuga ko barifashe nk’aho nta handi riba uretse mu Rwanda, ko kandi ryagiyeho mu rwego rwo kuniga ubwisanzure mu rubuga rwa politiki n’uburenganzira bwo gutanga ibitekerezo.

    Itegeko ry’u Rwanda rihana icyaha cya Jenoside, ibyaha byibasiye inyoko muntu n’ibyaha by’intambara ryashyizweho mu mwaka w’2003. Riteganyiriza ibihano umuntu wese uzaba werekanye mu magambo, mu nyandiko, mu mashusho, cyangwa mu bundi buryo ko ahakanye Jenoside cyangwa ayipfobeje, cyangwa agerageje gusobanura ishingiro (justify) ryayo.

    Ngoga ati “nyamara no mu bihugu byateye imbere hari amategeko nk’ayo, yewe anamaze igihe kinini kurusha iri ryacu.”

    Urugero ni nk’itegeko nimero 1891 ryo mu Bufaransa rigenga ubwisanzure bw’itangazamakuru rivuga ko “umuntu wese uhakana kimwe cyangwa bimwe mu byaha byibasiye inyoko muntu bivugwa mu ngingo ya 6 y’ibyemezo by’Urukiko Mpuzamahanga rwa Gisirikare bikubiye mu masezerano y’i London yo kuwa 8 Kanama 1945, byakozwe n’abari abambari b’imitwe y’abagizi ba nabi ivugwa mu ngingo ya 9 y’ibyo byemezo cyangwa byakozwe n’umuntu wabihamijwe n’Urukiko rwo mu Bufaransa cyangwa rwo ku rwego mpuzamahanga azahabwa ibihano bikubiye mu ngingo ya 24 y’iri tegeko.”

    Aha ni ukuvuga ko uzahakana ibyakozwe n’Abanazi (nazis) n’abambari babo mu gihe cy’intambara ya kabiri y’isi azabihanirwa.

    Icyemezo cy’inama y’Ubumwe bw’u Burayi ku byaha by’irondaruhu n'ibyo kwanga abanyamahanga (xenophobia) cyo giteganya ibihano mu bihugu byose bigize uwo muryango ku muntu uzerekana ko yishimiye, ahakanye cyangwa apfobeje ibyaha bya jenoside, ibyibasiye inyoko muntu n’ibyaha by’intambara biteganywa n’ingingo za 6,7 n’iya 8 zigenga Urukiko Mpuzamahanga Mpanabyaha.

    Ibihano bikomeye kandi biteganywa n’amategeko yo muri Australia (The Australian National Socialism prohibition Law), mu Bubiligi (Belgian Negationism Law), no muri Israel (The Israel Denial of the Holocaust Law) ku bahakana jenoside yakorewe abayahudi mu ntambara ya Kabiri y’isi. Luxembourg yo iteganya ibihano ku bahakana itsembabwoko ry’abayahudi (Holocaust) n’andi matsembabwoko yose yemewe ku rwego mpuzamahanga.

  • #35

    ITEGEKO RIHANA RIKANAKUMIRA (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:24)

    inteko rusange y’abadepite mu gihembwe kidasanwe yarateranye yemeza umushinga w’itegeko rihana icyaha cy’ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside.

    Perezida w’itsinda ryateguye uwo mushinga w’itegeko, Depite Kalisa Evariste yasobanuriye inteko rusange y’abadepite ko ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside yongeye kugaragazwa n’ubushakashatsi bwakozwe na sena y’u Rwanda.

    Depite Kalisa yasobanuye ko bumwe mu buryo bwo gukumira no kurandura ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside ari ugushyiraho itegeko rihana icyaha cy’ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside, kuko iyo ngengabitekerezo ya jenoside itari yarateganirijwe ibihano mu mategeko u Rwanda rugenderaho.

    Ku bana bagaragayeho ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside, hagaragajwe ko hajya hahanwa ababyeyi babo cyangwa abarezi babo kuko aribo abo bana bakomoraho iyo ngengabitekerezo ya jenoside.

    Tubibutse ko mu bushakashatsi bwashyizwe ahagaragara na sena y’u Rwanda muri Mata 2007, bwagaragaje ko mu muryango nyarwanda ariho hasigaye higishirizwa ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside. Kandi ko ubukene bukabije buha icyuho gikabije amacakubiri n’ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside. Hasabwe ko umuryango nyarwanda wakwitabwaho ndetse hagafatwa n’ingamba zihashya ubukene.

    U Rwanda rufatanije n’ibihugu byo mu karere bihuriye mu ihuriro Amani, byasabye ko ingengabitekerezo ya jenoside yarwanwa mu karere kose bihuriyeho.

  • #34

    IGNACE K. PhD.,MBA.,BBA. (lundi, 06 juin 2011)


  • #33

    Church History of Killing Tutsis 11 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:14)

    leaders went into exile in July 1994, as the genocide was brought to an end. Father Munyeshyaka's reluctance to acknowledge the nature or extent of the 1994 genocide was certainly shared by many other members of the Rwandese Catholic Church. But there were others who suffered at the hands of the interahamwe militia and others still who were killed for their courage or their ethnicity. Many clerics used their position to save lives with individual acts of heroism that will never be forgotten by survivors. Instead, Father Wenceslas Munyeshyaka is remembered by Jean-Bosco Muganza and many other survivors of St. Famille as the priest who: 'directed the militiamen; demoralised the refugees; and sowed hatred between the Hutu and Tutsi refugees'." [end of quoting from African Rights, April 6, 1999]
    go next to SOCCER BALL GIVE-AWAY #2 or back to index at DESTINY DESTINATION RWANDA
    Genocide fugitive sighted in USA (spearheaded Sainte Famille killings). NewTimes, May 4, 2008
    Rwandans accused of genocide released (priest of Kigali church). France24, Sep 19, 2007
    KIGALI CHURCH & MEMORIAL (visit in July 2007)
    Rwanda asks for St Famille priest to be handed over. Rwanda Gateway, January 7, 2006
    The Rwandan government has formally requested France to arrest and hand over a senior Rwandan Catholic priest, Father Wenceslas Munyeshyaka. If apprehended and extradited to Kigali, Father Munyeshyaka will stand trial on charges of Genocide, conspiracy to commit Genocide, incitement of the public to commit Genocide, war crimes, rape and other crimes against humanity in 1994. Father Munyeshyaka is also charged with illegal possession of military equipment, including military fatigue and weapons. The extradition request along with the International Warrant of Arrest for Father Munyeshyaka were issued and transmitted to the French government on December 27, 2005.

  • #32

    Church History of Killing Tutsis 10 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:14)

    Munyeshyaka liked to work closely with senior officials, even ministers. He continued his contacts with officials during the genocide. During this time it was the military officials who came to see him at St. Famille. Each evening, Munyeshyaka would cook meat, and he would get beer, or more often wine, to entertain the soldiers at the end of their working day. I saw soldiers relax at his home every evening. When they had finished eating, they certainly wandered around amongst the refugees.
    Whilst he was preparing good meals which were given to the soldiers with a warm welcome, just next to him, there were people, and especially children, who were dying of hunger and didn't even have water to drink. When I visited the refugees, they used to ask me why Munyeshyaka didn't do anything to save them even though he was friends with the killers. When they asked me this I didn't know what to reply.
    I hope that Fr. Munyeshyaka will be brought to justice.
    But alongside the testimonies describing the callous attitude displayed by Father Munyeshyaka at St. Famille, stands the evidence of his political allegiances, spelled out in a letter to the Pope, dated 2 August, to which Munyeshyaka was a joint signatory with 28 other priests.
    Everybody knows, except those who do not wish to know or understand it, that the massacres which took place in Rwanda are the result of the provocation and of the harassment of the Rwandese people by the RPF. To speak of genocide and to insinuate that only Hutus killed Tutsis, is to be ignorant [of the fact] that Hutus and Tutsis have been each other's executioners. We dare even to confirm that the number of Hutu civilians killed by the army of the RPF exceeds by far the Tutsi victims of the ethnic troubles...
    Evidently Munyeshyaka's experiences of the work of the militia at St. Famille had limited impact.
    The genocide was the crisis which exposed the depth of the involvement of the leaders of the Catholic Church in the history of ethnic politics in Rwanda and the resulting divisions among its members. For almost a century, bishops, priests and nuns, both Rwandese and foreign, had been openly involved in the country's politics and practised routine ethnic discrimination. The close ties between the Church and State inevitably compromised the Church's ability to take a stand against the killings as an institution. Without the guidance of their leaders, members of the clergy acted upon their own personal convictions and loyalties. Many Church

  • #31

    Church History of Killing Tutsis 9 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:13)

    I was very pleased to go to France because I thought that the French courts would take up the Munyeshyaka case. I couldn't understand how he could continue to celebrate mass in France when he had participated in the genocide in Rwanda. I left France thinking that Munyeshyaka would be arrested immediately. But to this day, he continues to celebrate mass.
    I greatly regret having wasted my time in going to France to testify against Munyeshyaka. It seems that the French court has taken no notice of what we said. If the judges didn't think that our accounts were evidence enough, why haven't they come to Rwanda to carry out their inquiries? What more do they need? Why hasn't the Catholic Church done anything to follow up the Munyeshyaka case? For this reason, I can't go back to Church to pray. I daren't go back to St. Famille church. As soon as I see it, I remember all the Tutsis who died there in the presence of Munyeshyaka, who is now being protected by the Catholic Church.
    African Rights hopes that the French judicial system will employ all the means at its disposal to establish the strength of the evidence against Munyeshyaka. Most importantly, it should endeavour to go to Kigali to meet with survivors of the massacres at the Parish of Ste Famille. Only then will Munyeshyaka's accusers be convinced that the case has been properly investigated.
    The survivors of St. Famille have spoken of the most traumatic events of their lives; it is vital that their testimonies are met with an appropriate response. Fr. Célestin Hakizimana was in charge of the nearby church of St. Paul and did his best to protect, feed and comfort the refugees at St. Famille. When he visited them during the genocide he was unable to offer them an explanation for Father Munyeshyaka's behaviour.
    I never saw Father Munyeshyaka kill anyone but I can say that he didn't behave like a priest during the genocide. The interahamwe regarded Munyeshyaka as a brother.
    The refugees at St. Famille suffered greatly. The militiamen went there whenever they wanted and separated people, taking those to be killed. Many of the interahamwe militiamen treated it as their home and Father Munyeshyaka, who was responsible for these refugees, made no attempt to stop them.
    His language frightened the refugees during the genocide. They had come to him for protection. But when he spoke to them he said: "You, Inyenzi, what have you run away from?" When a person was called an Inyenzi during the genocide it was done to denounce them. I often heard him saying this. It showed that Munyeshyaka didn't like the refugees.

  • #30

    Church History of Killing Tutsis 8 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:12)

    Munyeshyaka had put several beautiful women in the three rooms next door to his. Whenever we saw them coming and going at night around Munyeshyaka's home we could guess why they were there. When Munyeshyaka realised that a lot of the refugees noticed the girls who went up the stairs of his house to his room on the first floor, he moved into more basic quarters on the ground floor, and even reserved a room at the Mille Collines Hotel.
    Valentine Gahonzire managed to escape with her brother to the Mille Collines Hotel at the end of May. She saw the priest at the hotel on many occasions, she said: "He had a room reserved there, and would go in with his girls, then return to St. Famille."
    Rose Rwanga feels that Father Munyeshyaka was to blame for the death of her daughter, sixteen-year-old Hyacinthe, who was one of only two women killed at the parish. Before Hyacinthe was murdered on the 17 June, she had pleaded with Father Munyeshyaka to protect her; he would not agree to do so. Rose believes it was because her daughter had refused to sleep with him.
    Fr. Wenceslas had the opportunity to chat up attractive Tutsi girls. Those that satisfied his needs were evacuated to the Mille Collines Hotel. Those who refused his propositions were not. These propositions were of course to sleep with him. My daughter had resisted his propositions. She had refused to become his friend. But of course Wenceslas had hidden girls who had responded positively to his requests.
    A Plea for Action
    We believe the testimonies of survivors show that there is sufficient evidence against the priest to warrant careful examination by both criminal and ecclesiastical authorities.
    The question of why, so many years on, Father Munyeshyaka remains at the heart of the Catholic Church - which evacuated him to France and is paying for his defence lawyers - is a source of much anger and pain among survivors. They have experienced further frustrations at the repeated delays in the legal case in France, a country which itself has an historical responsibility, not yet fully exposed, for arming and training the forces behind the 1994 genocide.
    In February 1996, three survivors of Ste. Famille travelled to France to testify in a court of law against Munyeshyaka. But justice has eluded them. Josepha Umwangavu is one of the survivors who made the journey to France. She spoke of their efforts and of the disappointment she has felt since.

  • #29

    Church History of Killing Tutsis 7 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:11)

    The Evacuations
    The selection of refugees to be evacuated was naturally a source of considerable anxiety and tension. However, Father Munyeshyaka's handling of the evacuations showed that he was prepared to use any avenue to manipulate the fate of the refugees. UNAMIR requested that the names of the refugees be listed alongside their chosen destination, in accordance with an agreement between the interim government, the RPF and UNAMIR. By June, the RPF controlled territory in the south and east of the country and most of the Tutsi refugees at St. Famille chose to be evacuated to the RPF zone, rather than those areas which remained under government rule. The refugees wrote their names down on pieces of paper which were used to compile a list. The priest was given a copy of the list and refugees say that he then gave a copy to the militia — many refugees believe it helped them target their victims.
    The first UNAMIR convoy left in early June and, despite threats to the refugees in the vans heading for the RPF zone, the first evacuation was successful. In fact, when the radio reported news of the escape, many more refugees came to St. Famille. However, on the second attempt the interahamwe surrounded the vans, and Father Munyeshyaka publicly identified those who had chosen the RPF zone as "Inyenzi" ["cockroach", a term of abuse for the RPF]. Michèle Gasibirege was evacuated, but she was very upset at having to leave without her brother or mother. She accused Father Munyeshyaka of having done:
    ... everything within his power to stop the evacuation... Though the men were the most at risk, he rejected their pleas, and even removed their names from the evacuation lists. He used to say that they would swell the ranks of the Inyenzi. He privileged only the women and girls.
    Fr. Munyeshyaka could and did save lives — principally the lives of a select number of women and young girls. According to the refugees, these women were given special treatment: food, water and accommodation which he withheld from the rest. They were evacuated by Munyeshyaka to the Mille Collines Hotel and given priority on the UNAMIR evacuation lists. There was a price for these privileges, and the refugees have accused Father Munyeshyaka of demanding sexual favours. Most of the refugees were shocked by the open favouritism displayed by the priest, as Antoine Nkusi explained:

  • #28

    Church History of Killing Tutsis 6 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:10)

    The Massacre of 17 June
    An RPF raid on the church of St. Paul, also in Kigali, on 16 June succeeded in evacuating the refugees there, enraging the killers. Early the following morning, Father Munyeshyaka told the refugees that the RPF had killed all the Hutus at St. Paul, which was untrue, but was an inflammatory comment, guaranteed to exacerbate tensions between the Hutu and Tutsi refugees at St. Famille. He warned them that they should expect reprisals.
    Soon afterwards, Colonel Munyakazi, head of the gendarmarie in Muhima, came to meet with Father Munyeshyaka. Then around 10:00 a.m., the interahamwe arrived. This was the worst day in the lives of most of the refugees at Ste. Famille. Between 70-100 Tutsi men and boys were slaughtered along with two women. Their bodies were left strewn all over the church courtyard. Although Father Munyeshyaka disappeared during the massacre, he came back at midday, when it had ended. According to Emile Rukundo, the priest showed no signs of sorrow or remorse. He simply said that: "all these Tutsis had 'killed themselves'."
    Enock Kayonga said that the next day he counted 54 bodies lying in their own blood in the yard of St. Famille. Then, in preparation for the arrival of western journalists and troops of the United Nations Mission to Rwanda (UNAMIR) who were due to evacuate the refugees, Munyeshyaka ordered the refugees to hide the corpses in the garage of the general store. He promised some of them that they would be evacuated in return, Enock said: "That evening, Munyeshyaka told us to remove all the bodies. I removed two of the victims' bodies... Munyeshyaka promised to let us be evacuated on the condition that we remove all the bodies." On 19 June some of the leading génocidaires of the area, including the préfet and Colonel Munyakazi, returned to the parish to search for surviving males. Donata Mukasekuru believes that Munyeshyaka collaborated closely with them.
    On 19 June, Munyeshyaka refused to celebrate mass, and instead paraded around with the killers: Angéline Mukandutiye, Colonel Munyakazi, who commanded the Muhima brigade, and others. They picked out seventeen boys, whom Angéline accused of shooting at her during the night; she had them searched. Then Colonel Munyakazi led them away and put them in his van. They never returned.
    All these men were later killed. Not once did Father Munyeshyaka plead with the killers to stop, nor did he utter a word of condemnation of the militia or comfort to the terrified refugees, not even privately.

  • #27

    Church History of Killing Tutsis 5 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:07)

    The Massacre of 22 April at the Missionary Centre of CELA
    A few days later, on 22 April, refugees flooded into the Parish of St. Famille following a massacre at the missionary Centre for the Teaching of African Languages (CELA), which was nearby. The majority of the new arrivals were women; most of their husbands, brothers and sons had been killed that day at CELA under the supervision of the préfet, Tharcisse Renzaho. Munyeshyaka is said to have watched from outside the fence. These refugees were wary of the priest; they came because they had nowhere else to go. Among them was Joseph Bitega who was already conscious of the priest's inhumane attitude towards the refugees.
    Joseph had gone to CELA early in April, and when the White Fathers, who ran the centre, were evacuated on 12 April, they left the keys to their house with him, so that the refugees would have access to the telephone. Fr. Wenceslas had visited CELA soon after the departure of the White Fathers on the night of 12 April; he asked for the keys, but was refused entry by refugees patrolling the centre. The following day he returned and asked to see Joseph Bitega, who immediately hid. Complaining that he was now in charge of CELA, he left reluctantly, only to return two days later saying that he had received permission to enter CELA from one of the White Fathers. Joseph opened up the rooms where the White Fathers had been staying and Fr. Munyeshyaka began to search them. Munyeshyaka identified the valuable items and told Joseph that they now belonged to him and should not be touched.
    On the morning of 22 April, Father Munyeshyaka arrived with Tharcisse Renzaho, Odette Nyirabagenzi, Angéline Mukandutiye, interahamwe militiamen and soldiers. The boys and men were rounded up and taken away in vans and minibuses to be killed.
    Before they took Joseph away, Father Munyeshyaka came to him and asked for the keys to CELA. Joseph said:
    What really shocked me was that instead of trying to find a way of saving us, Father Munyeshyaka asked me for the keys to CELA. I gave them to him and then we were taken to the police detention centre in Muhima. A few minutes later, we were taken to Rugenge sector to be killed.
    Joseph watched as the men were taken one at a time and shot. He ran and managed to escape.
    The survivors of the attack on 22 April claim that not only did Father Munyeshyaka make no attempt to prevent the abductions, he showed himself to be in support of the killer’s actions. André Karangwa recalled his words after the raid: "Munyeshyaka came here and said: 'You innocent ones who are still here, come and take refuge at St. Famille.' He thought those who had just been killed were guilty."

  • #26

    Church History of Killing Tutsis 4 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:06)

    Paulin Munyemana said that, even before the genocide, Munyeshyaka had been openly in favour of the extremist party, the Coalition for the Defence of the Republic (CDR), whose agenda relied explicitly upon ethnic segregation and discrimination. Paulin was a sector leader of the opposition party of the Democratic Republican Movement (MDR). He had been in hiding at the hostel of the Sisters of Bizeramariya, near St. Famille for almost a year after his life was threatened in his home sector in Murambi, Byumba. As a Hutu opposed to the political aims of CDR, he knew he would be a target when the propaganda of hatred was unleashed following the murder of President Juvénal Habyarimana and so he immediately sought refuge at St. Famille.
    Paulin took charge of the administration of the ever-increasing community of refugees there, organising teams of refugees to work for security, food and health, but he received no support for his efforts from Father Munyeshyaka. Such was the shortage of food and water that refugees began dying from "bad living conditions", Paulin said: "I often went and asked Munyeshyaka to help me find a way to bury the bodies, but he told me to wait." But Paulin, like almost every other survivor interviewed, claimed that Munyeshyaka was hoarding supplies in the parish store, which was "bursting with food." They believe he deliberately withheld these supplies from Tutsi refugees. Several of them recounted an incident where one desperate man tried to climb up to get water from the reservoir tank but was forced at gunpoint to come down by Fr. Munyeshyaka. Jérôme Berete, one of a number of Hutus who had refused to conform to the ethnic segregation enforced by Munyeshyaka, said he was also threatened by Fr. Munyeshyaka because he had taken water: "He brought out a gun and nearly shot me. I begged for mercy and luckily he let me go." Meanwhile, refugees remember often seeing Father Munyeshyaka sharing beer and goats’ meat with the militia.
    The Massacre of 15 April
    According to the survivors, Munyeshyaka was aware of the militia's plans to attack the church and was present during several massacres. The first massacre at St. Famille took place on 15 April, claiming the lives of more than 100 Tutsi men and boys. The victims' names were called from a list, and those inside the church heard the gunshots as they were killed outside. Fr. Munyeshyaka witnessed the abductions, but although he had a phone, refugees say he made no effort to call for help. Gorette Uwimana overheard militiamen telling Fr. Wenceslas that they would return to kill the women and she will never forget his reply:
    Wenceslas told them that the women were not a problem as they did not have an ethnicity. He said the bad ones were the men.

  • #25

    Church History of Killing Tutsis 3 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:05)

    Father Wenceslas Munyeshyaka took charge of the Parish of St. Famille early on in April, after the parish priest, Father Anaclet Mwumvaneza, was forced into hiding by threats from militiamen. The survivors of St Famille all expressed their shock at the appearance and attitude of Father Munyeshyaka. They gave numerous examples of his hostility towards them and towards Tutsis in general. Clad in a flak jacket, and armed with a pistol, Munyeshyaka was an intimidating figure who, from the beginning, did nothing to make the refugees feel welcome. It was not long before the refugees discovered where Father Munyeshyaka's sympathies lay. Jean-Claude Rwabakika, a 35-year-old data processor, fled to the church on 20 April after militiamen attacked his home and killed his parents. Jean-Claude said that Fr. Munyeshyaka divided the refugees according to ethnicity and discriminated against the Tutsis.
    Wenceslas Munyeshyaka treated the Tutsi refugees as traitors to the nation of Rwanda. He said that we were in permanent contact with the Rwandese Patriotic Front via radios which he claimed we had, which of course we didn't have. By contrast, Munyeshyaka showed himself to be very welcoming towards the refugees who came from Gisozi, fleeing the battles between the RPF and the FAR. He gave them blankets and food; they could go and walk around town whenever they wanted to. In the evening, they used to come back, accompanied by the interahamwe, who would walk around amongst the refugees. Munyeshyaka didn't even ask them to leave their arms outside the church.
    The militia were often to be seen wandering around the parish and civilian local officials attended mass there, as well as holding regular meetings with Fr. Munyeshyaka. Most notorious among them were the préfet, Tharcisse Renzaho, the councillor, Odette Nyirabagenzi and the schools inspector, Angéline Mukandutiye, who have been implicated both in the killings at Ste. Famille and in many other massacres in Kigali. According to Munyeshyaka, the militia tried to kill him on three occasions during the genocide and later in the camps in Goma. He has argued that: "It was necessary to appear pro-militia. If I had another attitude, we would have all disappeared." However, the regular meetings between Munyeshyaka, the préfet Tharcisse Renzaho and other génocidaires who came to supervise the abduction and execution of the refugees, along with the priest's often-declared dislike of the Tutsi refugees, constitute loud declarations of support for the militia, not the "silence" which the priest claimed he maintained.

  • #24

    Church History of Killing Tutsis 2 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:04)

    I also recalled the story of how General Romeo Dallaire, the commander of UN unpeacekeeping in Rwanda, had held several meetings with the leaders of the Interahamwe, the gangs of murdering youths who manned all the road blocks and slaughtered those with Tutsi identity cards. He'd forced himself to be polite and shake their hands (thus the title of his book, SHAKE HANDS WITH THE DEVIL). On the day of his first Interahamwe meeting - which was May 1st - after getting back to UN headquarters at the Amahoro Stadium, he heard on the radio that some mortar rounds had hit the Saint Famille church. At this time the Hutu Rwandan Government Forces (RGF) and the Tutsi Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF) were fighting for control of Kigali and people and buildings sometimes got caught in the crossfire. When he got to Saint Famille there was chaos, with people terrified and lying bloody all over the courtyard. The refugees, seeing him and his men in their blue berets and uniforms, asked why they never did anything to stop the Interahamwe who were coming to the church all the time to haul them away for slaughter. Dallaire said he explained that his soldiers were there to be "peaceful" not to "fight" but the people could never understand that concept.
    The following excerpt from an African Rights, April 1999 article FATHER WENCESLAS MUNYESHYAKA: In the Eyes of the Survivors of Sainte Famille contains testimonies of witnesses who want the priest of Saint Famille prosecuted for complicity in genocide: [Beneath this article is a January 2006 update on the extradition proceedings against Munyeshyaka by the Rwandan government.]
    "...Saint Famille is positioned on a hill overlooking the city of Kigali, and very close to its commercial centre in Ruhenge. It is one of the largest churches in the city, set in extensive grounds and surrounded by a high wall. It must have seemed like the ideal sanctuary to people whose lives were at risk. And indeed when the violence broke out on 7 April, following the death of President Juvénal Habyarimana, some residents of troubled districts of Kigali fled to the church immediately.
    Many of the early arrivals were Hutus - our witnesses include members of the political opposition who knew instantly what the death of Habyarimana would mean for their security, and one member of a large group of over 400 Hutus who were forced out of their homes in Gisozi, Greater Kigali. But Tutsis also came in droves, and they came from all the surrounding areas.
    There was only one entrance to the church and this was closely guarded. As the weeks passed and the church became more crowded, many refugees were turned away. Of the Tutsis who did gain entrance, most had to pay a bribe at the gate.

  • #23

    Church History of Killing Tutsis (lundi, 06 juin 2011 03:03)

    On Wednesday, the day after the July 4th Liberation Day celebrations, we caught a taxi outside the hotel and asked the driver to take us downtown and to Saint Famille, the church where thousands of Tutsi had run for safety after the start of the Genocide, only to be handed over to the genocidal Interahamwe ("those who attack together") by the priest who was in charge there.
    The breathtaking view in the top photo below is what a person sees as they come down the hill from the main commercial area in Kigali. That's the Saint Famille Church on the right.
    We would have gone inside but the huge doors were locked tight. There was hardly anyone around. As we stood in the courtyard in front of the church I told my husband a story I'd read about how the United Nations came one day to evacuate a refugee exchange between the Hutu Government and the Rwandese Patriotic Front. They would only take people whose names were on their list and desperate people were begging to not be left behind, as the Interahamwe came regularly to take them away for massacre. A five-year-old boy broke through the barricades and made a run for the UN truck as it was pulling out, jumping on the back and getting away. The crowd left behind all cheered.
    I recalled as well the story of how the Rwandese Patriotic Front had made a daring raid, in the middle of the night, into what at that time was enemy territory, and rescued 600 Tutsi refugees from Saint Famille, similiar to how they had rescued hundreds one time at the Amahoro Stadium.

  • #22

    Verite1994 (lundi, 06 juin 2011 01:28)

    Amaherezo y'u Rwanda n'undi muriro ugiye kwaka kuko nkuko mbere y'intambara ya 94 byari byaravuzwe ariko ubutegetsi bwariho icyo gihe aho gushaka igisubizo cy'ibibazo cyariho bukishimira kwishongora no kwirata ibyakurikiyeho twarabibonye. None rero ibyo byabaye ari ikosa riturutse kubwirasi n'ubwishongore bwabari bafite ingoma nanone byarasubiriye ahubwo byikuba kane niyo mpamvu ibizabira iwacu noneho bishobora kuzaba byikubye kane ibyabaye muri 94. Niba uzi Imana senga gusa kuko igihugu cyacu cyaragenderewe na sekibi kandi ntaracyivamo dori uriya Kagome ni anti christ wuzuye igihugu kitarimo imiborogo rero ntagishoboye.

  • #21

    Komera (lundi, 06 juin 2011 00:56)

    Professor Kambanda is not 'ordinary'. Mr. Ngoga cannot challenge the well thought legal argument Prof. Kambanda has put forward. Anyway, I want to propose that Ngoga invites Prof. Kambanda to train the prosecutors including Ngoga. Our prosecutors are really poor. Look at the wring from Ngoga!! I wonder whether Ngoga went to school

  • #20

    Umunyeshuli (HUYE) (lundi, 06 juin 2011 00:12)

    Amaherezo y'u RWANDA ni ayahe koko? Ndacyari muto ariko ibyo mbona n'ibyo numva ndabireba ubwoba bukanyica.
    Ndacyari umunyeshuli kuko ngeze mu wa kane secondary ariko uru rubuga ruri kudutera ubwoba, kuko iyo urebye amakuru yandikwa hano, wareba n'amateka twigishwa ntaho bihuriye! Ese ukuri ni ukwande?
    Twemere iki tureke iki?
    Ibi byose rero bituma ku ishuli ducikamo ibice 2, kuko hari abahagaze ku ruhande rwa leta, abandi bari ku ruhande rw'abayirwanya, ibi rero byadutejemo urwikekwe kuko ubona hari urunturuntu mu banyeshuli twigana mu kigo.
    Benshi bafite phone kandi bose bahurira kuri aya ma website n'ubwo nta n'umwe wakwemerera ko ajya abisoma, ariko nyamara ubu muri iri joro usanga phone arizo ziri kumurika mu chambres yewe haba no mu bakobwa.
    Ahaaa, mwe muzi gusesengura muzatubwire uko mubibona no mu yandi mashuli niba nabo ari uko?

    Ese reka nibarize abanyarubuga? Mu rwanda hari amahoro n'umutekano koko nk'uko babitwizeza? Cyangwa tuzashiduka twaguye na none mu ntambara?

  • #19

    Rwandan & Ugandan Dictators Seeking to Destroy each Other? (dimanche, 05 juin 2011 23:13)

    Did you wonder why the Rwandan Dictator was a no-show at Dictator Museveni swearing-in?
    Did you wonder why the Rwandan Dictator missed the recent Each African Heads of State Summit in Dar-Salaam, Tanzania?
    Evidently there is more to the Rwandan dictator reluctance to venture into East Africa;
    The Rwandan dictator and Ugandan dictators want to eliminate one another.......

  • #18

    Amategeko ahana nayo ahindurwe (dimanche, 05 juin 2011 23:03)

    Amategeko ahana (penal code) nayo akwiye kuvugururwa byihutirwa kuko abangamira uburenganinzira bwo gutanga ibitekerezo. Amategeko ahana mu Rwanda yashyizweho mu gihe hari ubutegetsi bw'ishayaka rimwe rukumbi. Ibyo bituma umuntu wese uvuga ibitagenda mu gihugu, ahanishwa n'ingingo zivuga ko ashaka guhirika ubutegetsi, kwangisha ubutegetsi abaturage, gutuka umukuru w'igihugu... Ibi abategetsi bo mu Rwanda bibagwa neza kuko biri mu bikomeza cya gikuta cy'amategeko mabi Nyakubahwa Perezida Kagame yikingirije nk'ingabo itamenwa nk'uko yabyivugiye.

    Iyo miryango iharanira uburenganzira bwa muntu ubunza itabyibuka kuko nabyo bikwiye guhindurwa. Byagombye kuba byarakozwe kuva igihe mu Rwanda hemerwaga amashyaka menshi.

  • #17

    Gahima (dimanche, 05 juin 2011 22:50)

    Icyo navuga n'uko Gerald Gahima yakoze amakosa yo kudakora ankete nshinjabyaha kuri Kagame igihe yari akiri procureur, kuko na Kagame afite genocide ideology igaragara cyane mu magambo yavuze, nkayayandi ngo abo birata ko bafite amasaka ( nyamwinshi y'abahutu), bamenye ko dufite icyuma kiyasya. ibise ntibigaragaza determination Kagame afite gutsemba ubwoko bw'abahutu ? Ngonga yarakwiye gutangirira kuri Kagame, ntuzakora amakosa nk'aya Gahima, ngo uve kuri ako kazi, udahanishije Kagame.