Wagira ngo uwanditse animal Farm yabanje kwitegereza amafuti ya FPR !

Rwanda is worldwide known as thousand -hilly, genocide and war-torn country. After RPF conquered the power through a bloodshed conflict, a seemingly peace rebuilding process started with the international support. It is pitiful that the peace rebuilding and reconciliation efforts did not meet the inner expectations of Rwandans. The reason behind is that Rwanda lacks, since 1994, a thorough leadership that should strive for carrying out the desiderata of the Rwandans: sticking together as fingers of one hand and owning their destiny without ethnic hatred. Be not astonished that official speeches are colored with soft words of unity and reconciliation. This is a pure farce, a superficial political will that is overstrained by selfish interests. The evidence shows up itself:

What matters is rather what you let come true than what you unceasingly murmur on your lips. Since a couple of years, RPF lets Rwandans believe that it cares about their social and economic welfare.  The RPF politics is bicephalous with tragic outcomes from which the Rwandans are suffering severely. In fact, the Rwanda’s political turmoil recalls me what George OrWell wrote in his novel “Animal Farm.” RPF invaded Rwanda claiming to implement democracy principles and good governance. Rwandans are sill waiting for this dawn that will never come under the RPF didactorship.

Only RPF is keen on changing the law and other rules in order to secure the power. Be not astonished when lives are sacrificed.

1.      Arusha Peace Accord

2.      The Rwanda Constitution 

3.      Law against genocide ideology

4.      Gacaca Law

5.      Law on media  

6.      Privatization law

7.      Law on political parties, etc 


Please read the Animal Farm Summary, you will understand better the political system in which we are drowned.   

Animal Farm is a satirical fable set on Manor Farm, a typical English farm. Orwell employs a third-person narrator, who reports events without commenting on them directly. The narrator describes things as the animals perceive them.  

Old Major calls a meeting of all the animals in the big barn. He announces that he may die soon and relates to them the insights he has gathered in his life. Old Major tells the animals that human beings are the sole reason that “No animal in England is free” and that “The life of an animal is misery and slavery.” Therefore the animals must take charge of their destiny by overthrowing Man in a great Rebellion. He relates his dream of rebellion.

Old Major dies soon after the meeting and the other animals prepare for the Rebellion under Snowball, Napoleon, and Squealer’s leadership. One night, Mr. Jones passes out drunk, creating the perfect opportunity for the animals to rebel. They are so hungry that they break into the store-shed. When Jones and his men try to whip them into submission, the animals run them off the farm. The animals burn all reminders of their former bondage but agree to preserve the farmhouse “as a museum.” Snowball changes the name of the farm to “Animal Farm” and comes up with Seven Commandments, which are to form the basis of Animalism. They are:

1. Whatever goes upon two legs is an enemy.
2. Whatever goes upon four legs, or has wings, is a friend.
3. No animal shall wear clothes.
4. No animal shall sleep in a bed.
5. No animals shall drink alcohol.
6. No animal shall kill any other animal.
7. All animals are equal.

The pigs milk the cows, and then the animals go out to begin the harvest. When they return, the milk has disappeared mysteriously. The first harvest is a great success. The animals adhere to the tenets of Animalism happily, and with good result. Each animal works according to his ability and gets a fair share of food.

Every Sunday, Snowball and Napoleon lead a meeting of all the animals in the big barn. The pigs are the most intelligent animals, so they think up resolutions for the other animals to debate. Soon after, the pigs set up a study-center for themselves in the harness-room. Snowball embarks on various campaigns for social and economic improvement. Napoleon opposes whatever Snowball does. Because most of the animals lack the intelligence to memorize the Seven Commandments, Snowball reduces them to the single maxim, “Four legs good, two legs bad.” The sheep take to chanting this at meetings.

As time goes by, the pigs increase their control over the animals and award themselves increasing privileges. They quell the animals’ questions and protests by threatening Mr. Jones’s return. During this time, Napoleon also confiscates nine newborn puppies and secludes them in a loft in order to “educate” them.

By late summer, Snowball’s and Napoleon’s pigeon-messengers have spread news of the Rebellion across half of England. Animals on other farms have begun lashing out against their human masters and singing the revolutionary song “Beasts of England.” Jones and other farmers try to recapture Animal Farm but fail. The animals celebrate their victory in what they call “The Battle of the Cowshed.”

The animals agree to let the pigs make all the resolutions. Snowball and Napoleon continue to be at odds and eventually clash over the windmill. Snowball wants to build a windmill in order to shorten the work week and provide the farm electricity, but Napoleon opposes it. Napoleon summons nine fierce dogs (the puppies he trained) to run Snowball off the farm. Napoleon announces that Sunday meetings will cease and that the pigs will make all the decisions in the animals’ best interest. At this point, Boxer takes on his own personal maxims, “I will work harder” and “Napoleon is always right.” In the spring, Napoleon announces plans to build the windmill, claiming that it was his idea all along—rewriting history.

Building the windmill forces the animals to work harder and on Sundays. Shortages begin to occur, so Napoleon opens up trade with the human world. Through Squealer, he lies that no resolutions against interaction with humans or the use of money had ever been passed. Napoleon enlists Whymper to be his intermediary, and the pigs move into the farmhouse. Squealer assures the animals that there is no resolution against this, but Clover and Muriel discovers that one of the resolutions has been changed to: “No animal shall sleep in a bed with sheets.” Squealer convinces her that there was never a resolution against beds at all.

One night, strong winds shake the farm and the animals awake to discover the windmill destroyed. Napoleon blames Snowball and sentences the expelled pig to death.

In the winter, as conditions become worse on Animal Farm, Napoleon deceives the human world into thinking Animal Farm is prospering. He signs a contract for a quota of four hundred eggs per week, inciting a hen rebellion that results in several deaths. Around the same time, Napoleon begins negotiating with Frederick and Pilkington to sell Animal Farm’s store of timber. He also spreads propaganda against Snowball, claiming that Snowball was always a spy and a collaborator while Napoleon was the true hero of the Battle of the Cowshed, and Squealer warns against Snowball’s secret agents.

Four days later, Napoleon holds an assembly in which he makes several animals confess to treachery and then has the dogs execute them. The dogs try to get Boxer to confess but leave him alone when they cannot overpower him. Afterwards, Clover and some other animals huddle together on a hill overlooking the farm. They reminisce about Animalism’s ideals and consider how much they differ from the violence and terror of Napoleon’s reign. They sing “Beasts of England,” but Squealer informs them that the song is useless now that the Rebellion is completed and that it is now forbidden. The new anthem begins with the lyrics: “Animal Farm, Animal Farm, / Never through me shalt thou come to harm!”

Another commandment is changed to read: “No animal shall kill any other animal without cause.” Clover and Muriel convince themselves that the commandment has always been this way. Squealer begins reading the animals statistics regularly to convince them that production is increasing. Napoleon seldom appears in public. The animals now call him “our Leader, Comrade Napoleon.” They attribute all misfortunes to Snowball and all success and luck to Napoleon.


Bibaye impamo koko: umugani ugana akariho! Hari uwahakana ko  Abategetsi b'Urwanda muri iki gihe bakunze kwitwara  nk'aya matungo avugwa muri aka gatabo ?
Bibaye impamo koko: umugani ugana akariho! Hari uwahakana ko Abategetsi b'Urwanda muri iki gihe bakunze kwitwara nk'aya matungo avugwa muri aka gatabo ?

Napoleon continues to negotiate with the farmers and eventually decides to sell the timber to Mr. Pilkington. At last, the windmill is finished and named “Napoleon Mill.” Soon after, Napoleon announces that he will sell the timber to Frederick, quickly changing his allegiance and disavowing his earlier vilification of Frederick. Napoleon says that Pilkington and Snowball have been collaborating. Frederick pays for the timber in fake cash, and the next morning, Frederick and his men invade the farm and blow up the windmill. The animals manage to chase the humans off, though many die or are injured in what they call “The Battle of the Windmill.”

After the battle, the pigs discover a case of whisky in the farmhouse. They drink to excess and soon, Squealer reports that Napoleon is dying and, as his last action, has made the consumption of alcohol punishable by death. But Napoleon recovers quickly and then sends Whymper to procure manuals on brewing alcohol. Squealer changes another commandment to “No animal shall drink alcohol to excess.”

Napoleon plans to build a schoolhouse for the thirty-one young pigs he has parented. Towards the end of the winter, Napoleon begins increasing propaganda to distract the animals from inequality and hardship. He creates special “Spontaneous Demonstrations” in which the animals march around and celebrate their triumphs.

In April, Napoleon declares the farm a Republic and is elected unanimously as President. The animals continue to work feverishly, most of all Boxer. One day, Boxer collapses while overexerting himself. Napoleon promises to send him to the veterinarian in Willingdon. A few days later, a horse-slaughterer takes Boxer away in his van. The animals are none the wiser until Benjamin reads the lettering on the side of the van. A few days later, Squealer reports that Boxer died in the hospital despite receiving the best possible care. He claims that Boxer’s last words glorified Animal Farm and Napoleon. He also claims that the van belongs to the veterinarian, who recently bought it from the horse slaughterer and had not yet managed to paint over the lettering. Napoleon promises to honor Boxer with a special banquet. But the pigs use the money from his slaughter to buy a case of whisky, which they drink on the day appointed for the banquet.

Years go by, and though Animal Farm’s population has increased, only a few animals that remember the Rebellion remain. Conditions are still harsh despite technological improvements. The pigs and dogs continue to do no manual labor, instead devoting themselves to organizational work. One day, Squealer takes the sheep out to a deserted pasture where, he says, he is teaching them a song. On the day the sheep return, the pigs walk around the yard on their hind legs as the sheep chant, “Four legs good, two legs better.” The other animals are horrified. Clover consults the barn wall again. This time Benjamin reads to her. The Seven Commandments have been replaced with a single maxim: “All animals are equal / But some animals are more equal than others.”

The pigs continue the longstanding pattern of awarding themselves more and more privileges. They buy a telephone and subscribe to magazines. They even wear Jones’s clothing. One night, Napoleon holds a conciliatory banquet for the farmers. Pilkington makes a speech in which he says he wants to emulate Animal Farm’s long work hours and low rations. Napoleon announces that the farm will be called “Manor Farm” again, the animals will call each other “Comrade” no longer, and they no longer will march ceremoniously past Old Major’s skull (a practice he denies understanding). He also declares that the farm’s flag will be plain green, devoid of the symbols of the Rebellion. As the animals peer through the windows to watch the humans and pigs play poker, they cannot distinguish between them.” By George OrWell.


Mahoro Janvier




Commentaires : 32
  • #32

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  • #28

    Urugiyekera (dimanche, 29 mai 2011 17:29)

    Paul KAGAME fait face à une décision fatidique : soit ne pas reconcilier les Rwandais et voir son régime s'imploser, soit les reconcilier et se retrouver mains et pieds liés en prisons pour ses crimes innomables.

  • #27

    Thanks. (dimanche, 29 mai 2011 00:06)

    Kubatumva English nababwirako ibi nabyo bishimishije. Mumenyeko hari inshuti zacu ziba zishaka kumenya ibyacu. Rwose mujya muvanga indimi zose.

  • #26

    Gakuru (samedi, 28 mai 2011 14:32)

    Abantu bitotomba ngo byanditse mu Cyongereza ni akazi kabo.
    Ibihe turimo s'iby'abanebwe cyangwa se abatesi !
    Kuri Internet hari uburyo bwinshi bwo guhindura inyandiko mu ndimi ushaka.
    Kiriya gitabo "Animal Farm", Mahoro Janvier atuzaniye, ni RURANGIZA. Abanyarwanda benshi bagombye kugisoma kuko kirimo Amasomo akomeye. Abatari bakizi mugishake mugisome mu rurimi mwumva. Kandi ibyo byo kuvuga ngo babasobanurire, ngo "Jones" ni inde... Musome, mwibaze, mwisubize, mukoreshe Ubwenge bwanyu.
    Mahoro Janvier arakoze cyane !

  • #25

    kayijuka (samedi, 28 mai 2011 12:29)

    yoliyoli,none se ko ubashubije mu kinyarwanda na cyo ni international,kandi ujye umenya ko uli umugande

  • #24

    Eric (samedi, 28 mai 2011 12:09)

    Niko mushobora kuduhindurira iyi nyandiko mu kinyarwanda cg se mu gifaransa. Mubishoboye mwadufasha

  • #23

    YOLIYOLI (samedi, 28 mai 2011 11:52)

    Umva rero twumviksnr bs sha. Utazi icyongereza azajye kukiga kuko ni cyo kilimi international kigezweho. Janvier abahaye history, it is up to you kuyisesengura according to how you see RPF, Kagame et ses accolytes. Vi all have differents opinions.
    Ariko ejo maze kumenya ko Prezida w'u Rwanda Kagame yacuruje amagi ku muhanda nka mayibobo nta respect nzongera kumugirira kandi sinzongera kumurakarira kuko umudiho uva mu itako. Ahubwo Paul iyo agera mu shuri
    ubu aba amaze kurenza Hitler ubugome.

    Ikindi ntimukihebe, kuva ku mineke, amagi ahiye ku muhanda ukagera ku ndege ebyili ukaba chairman...Paul njyew ngukuriye ingofero. Icyo mfa nawe ni ukwica abantu.

  • #22

    ukuri (samedi, 28 mai 2011 11:51)

    Kubera ko nasomye kiriya gitabo inshuro nyinshi (uretse ko hashize imyaka igera kuri ingahe, ariko inkuru ndacyayibuka), ntabwo nasomye inyandiko yose ya Janvier.

    Nyamara ikibazo @Dunia #21 abajije ni ikibazo nyamukuru. Ubundi uko igitabo kivuga, inyamaswa zari zifashwe nabi na nyirazo maze zifata umwanzuro wo guharanira uburenganzira bwazo maze ziramwirukana, zitangira kwiyobora. Mu Rda si ko bimeze.

    Niyo mpamvu nanjye nsubiye ku kibazo cya Dunia:
    In Rwanda: who are pigs? Who are animals?

    Ndetse umuntu yakongeraho:
    "and who is the farmer (Mr.Jones)" (Janvier se yaba ashaka kuvuga ko Mr. Jones ari pres Habyarimana? Twibuke ko FPR yateye iturutse hanze, kandi abari imbere mu gihugu bose ntabwo bari bemeye igikorwa cyo gutera u Rwanda. So who are the "pigs" and who are the "animals"?)

  • #21

    Dunia (samedi, 28 mai 2011 11:27)

    I personally do not totally agree with this comparison. I would like to ask simple clarifications about the next paragraph

    "As time goes by, the pigs increase their control over the animals and award themselves increasing privileges. They quell the animals’ questions and protests by threatening ..."

    In Rwanda: who are pigs? Who are animals?

  • #20

    Dunia (samedi, 28 mai 2011 11:26)

    I personally do not totally with this comparison. I would like to ask simple clarifications about the next paragraph:

    "As time goes by, the pigs increase their control over the animals and award themselves increasing privileges. They quell the animals’ questions and protests by threatening ..."

    In Rwanda: who are pigs?(KAGAME & co) Who are animals?

  • #19

    Rukara rwa Bishingwe (3) (samedi, 28 mai 2011 11:04)

    Ibikorwa bya Rukara byakoze kuri bamwe mu Barashi

    Mbere y’uko Rukara anyongwa ngo yasize ashinganishije abamukomokaho kuko ngo yasabye abazungu bari bagiye kumwica kutazamukorera ku bana n’ubwo ibyo bitabujije ko abakomoka mu nzu y’abarashi ndetse n’ abari batuye Umurera muri rusange bahura n’ingaruka zitandukanye nkuko umwuzukuru we Ndagijimana abivuga.

    Uyu avuga ko bumwe mu butaka bw’abarashi bari barahunze nyuma y’uko Rukara yivugana umuzungu bwigaruriwe n’abandi baturage ntibanabusubizwe mu gihe bahungukaga.

    Uretse n’ibyo uyu mugabo avuga ko mu mashuri bamwe mu batuye kano gace bahejwe n’abapadiri bari bayoboye uburezi bw’icyo gihe.

    Ati:” twabayeho nabi nta munyeshuri wa hano wigeze kuzamuka mu mashuri . Tubonye abanyeshuri batsinda vuba”

    Icyakora Ndagijimana avuga ko ubu umuryango w’abacyaba b’abarashi wagutse ku buryo ngo ubasanga henshi mu gihugu cyane cyane mu duce tw’amajyaruguru nka Ruhengeri na Gisenyi.

    Avuga kandi ko benshi mu bakomoka mu nzu y’Abarashi bafata Rukara rwa Bishingwe nk’intwari idateze kwibagirana mu mateka y’abarashi.

    Gilles Ntahobatuye


  • #18

    Rukara rwa Bishingwe (2) (samedi, 28 mai 2011 11:02)

    Rukara ngo yagiraga ihinyu cyane

    Mu buzima bwe Rukara rwa Bishingwe ngo yakunze guhinyura abantu bakomeye ariko ngo byagera ku mugabekazi Nyirayuhi Kanjogera wategekeraga umuhungu we Musinga wari akiri igihenga (umwana muto) muri icyo gihe bikaba akarusho.

    Umunsi umwe ngo Rukara yasanze uyu mugabekazi wakundaga guca imanza yikinze inyuma y’inyegamo, maze ngo aramuhinyura avuga ko urubanza rwo mu nyegamo na nyina Kavumbi yaruca.

    Uretse ibi, Ndagijimana umwe mu buzukuru be avuga ko yumvaga Se avuga ko Rukara yubahukaga cyane umugabekazi Kanjogera kuko ngo hari n’igihe yamunyariye ku ntebe undi ayihagurutseho.

    Si umugabekazi gusa utaravugaga rumwe na Rukara kuko ngo atanacanaga uwaka n’abazungu cyane cyane abapadiri kuko baje bacengeza inyigisho z’ubukirisitu mu gihe abatuye aka gace k’Umurera bari bakomeye ku idini gakondo ya Nyabingi.

    Ikindi kandi ngo ubwo abazungu bageraga muri kariya gace baba barigabije amwe mu masambu y’abarashi bayashingamo imbago bashaka kuhubaka amazu nk’uko Ndagijimana abivuga.

    Uyu mugabo avuga ko Rukara ari we wafashe iya mbere mu kurandura izo mbago maze Padiri Paulin Lupiyasi bahimbaga Rugigana akamutumaho inshuro nyinshi ngo yisobanure ariko ngo Rukara akamuninira ntamwitabe.

    Gusa uyu mugabo avuga ko byageze aho Rukara akemera kwitaba Padiri Lupiyasi bagahurira ahitwa kuri Nyabyungo ubu hubatse kiriziya.

    Bahuriye kuri Nyabyungo Lupiyasi ngo yaramukije Rukara agira ati : « yambu» kandi ngo iyo ndamukanyo Rukara yarayifataga nk’igitutsi cyo kwamburwa abana.

    Rukara ngo yamwihanangirije kutazongera kumubwira iryo jambo, Lupiyasi we abibonamo agasuzuguro amukubita urushyi maze Rukara nawe amuterera ku munigo kugeza anogotse.

    Urupfu rwa Padiri Rupiyasi rwateye Rukara guhungira mu Ndorwa ndetse na benshi mu barashi bahungira i Kongo, mu Bufumbira (Uganda), n’ahandi, bose batinya ko abazungu bazaza guhorera mwene wabo.

    Kwerekeza mu Ndorwa Rukara yashakaga kwisunga Ndungutse wari warihigaruriye n’ubwo nawe atari yorohewe na busa n’ubutegetsi bwa Musinga bwamuregaga kubwigumuraho.

    Abazungu bamenye ko Rukara yahungiye kuri Ndungutse bamusabye kubaha Rukara arabyemera yibwira ko nabo bazamukiza Musinga, wari warahagurukiye kurwanya abigometse ku bwami bwe bose nubwo bitabaye kuko bitabujije umudage Liyetona Goduwiyusi kumutera ku ya 13 mata 1912.

    Ubwo Rukara ngo yabuguzaga na Ndungutse mu rugo abasoda b’abazungu bari ku mugambi na Ndungutse baje rwihishwa bamugwa gitumo baramuboha ariko muri uko kumuboha ngo hagwa umwe mu basoda ahitanwe na Rukara ndetse ngo Rukara yiyambura impuzu ahenera Ndungutse amuvuma ngo ntakime ingoma mu Rwanda.

    Nyuma yo gufatwa akabohwa Rukara yajyanywe kunyongerwa mu Ruhengeri aho yarashwe urufaya rw’amasasu.

  • #17

    Rukara rwa Bishingwe (1) (samedi, 28 mai 2011 11:00)

    Rukara rwa Bishingwe afatwa nk’intwari n’abamukomokaho

    Friday 11 February 2011

    Amateka ya Rukara rwa Bishingwe abenshi bakunze kuyafata nk’umugani cyangwa igitekerezo kandi yarabayeho.Uretse bamwe mu bakirigitananga-nyarwanda nka Sebatunzi bacuranze amateka ye, bamwe mu banditsi b’amateka nabo bamwanditseho mu bitabo byabo kuko yabaye ikirangirire mu Rwanda.

    Uyu mugabo yaba yarabayeho ku ngoma ya Yuhi V Musinga, umwami waba yarategetse u Rwanda hagati y’umwaka wa 1895 na 1931 hakurikijwe igenekereza ry’urutonde rw’Abami bategetse u Rwanda rya Padiri Alegisi Kagame.

    Rukara afite benshi bamukomokaho mu nzu y’ Abarashi, benshi muri aba bakaba batuye mu Karere ka Musanze mu murenge wa Gahunga ho mu ntara y’amajyaruguru, aho bakunze kwita mu mu Gahunga k’Abarashi.

    Ndagijimana Yuvenari umwe mu buzukuru be twaganiriye avuga ko ibyo azi kuri sekuru Rukara abikesha uruhererekane mvugo ni ukuvuga ko yabyumvanye se.

    Uyu mugabo avuga ko inzu y’Abarashi ibarizwa mu bwoko bw’Ababacyaba b’Abarashi, bakomoka kuri Karashi ari we mukurambere wabo. Kwitwa Karashi byaba byaratewe n’uko ngo uyu musekuruza yari umukogoto w’umuheto (umuhanga mu kurashisha umuheto.)

    Karashi ngo yavaga inda imwe n’abandi bahungu barimo Kanaga ndetse na Karandura, imiryango yabo ikaba ifite inkomoko muri Ankole nkuko Ndagijimana abivuga.

    Ndagijimana akomeza avuga ko benshi mu barashi babaye ibyamamare mu ngabo z’i bwami ariko uwamamaye cyane ari Rukara rwa Bishingwe wari umutware w’abakemba, uruyenzi, abemeranzigwe n’urukandagira iyi yose ikaba yari w’imitwe y’ingabo yariho ku ngoma ya Yuhi Musinga.

    Intebe y’ubutware bw’ ingabo Rukara rw’igikundiro, urwa Semukanya intahanabatatu ya Rutamu mu nteruro y’icyivugo cye, ngo yayizunguyeho (yayirazwe) se Bishingwe kuko ngo nawe yatwariraga Kigeli IV Rwabugili ingabo.

    Rukara rwa Bishingwe ngo yari umugabo w’igihagararo, ibigango n’igitinyiro nk’uko bamwe mu banditsi b’amateka y’u Rwanda bamubonye babyanditse. Umwanditsi Dufays, yanditse ko yari afite nka metero imwe na santimetero 90 mu gihagararo.

    Uretse n’ibyo iyo urebye Ndagijimana Yuvenali, umwe mu buzukuru be wahita utekereza ibigango bya Rukara dore ko ari umugabo wirabura w’ibigango n’ubwanwa bwinshi upima nka metero imwe na santimetero 90 z’igihagararo.

    Ndagijimana nawe ubwe avuga ko igihagararo n’ibigango ari umwihariko w’abarashi.

    Ati:“Muri ‘famille’ yose yo kwa Rukara nta muntu uri munsi ya metero na santimetero 70 mu burebure”.

  • #16

    @Boxed in corner (samedi, 28 mai 2011 10:22)

    I think that I agree with this- just partially. I think in a certain way, now they may be going to start to be careful about their security and intelligence and covert operation. I agree that Kagame:

    1. Lacks advisors who are balanced. most probably he is surrounded by "Tutsi power" minded advisors, no wonder they make so many mistakes. By the way , how many advisors are there in Urugwiro Village ? and what are their backgrounds ?

    2.He may have good advisors or have had ( like Rudasingwa) but is not willing to digest contradiction. actually this is the only thing that qualifies him as a dictator. NO CONTRADICTION. this could well be his description at best. so technically, even if he would have advisors, they would be useless, except collecting their paycheck at the end of the month.
    3. I believe that the Rwandan foreign relations under Kagame would probably rebounce back-- Louise Mushikiwabo is a smart and capable official. Kagame is arrogant as far as the international community is concerned and lacks good judgment. when foreigners don't agree with him he chooses to reject their ideas, criticisms and concerns- simply because he is used to boss everyone around -asking accountability- he can't tolerate being held accountable.If Rwanda was ever self-sufficient, under Kagame, it would be a sort of Iran or North Korea- this is the danger we have. with Louise Mushikiwabo capable diplomacy it may rebounce back- she is very enganging. I felt that her challenge to the British to prove the allegations as honest and straightforward. she enganged them. I bet Kagame's move would have been "I don't give a damn" that's how he often reacts- It is actually silly !! now either the British will prove it- if they do, beyond reasonable doubt, the Rwandan government will switch to being "more accountable" in its intelligence and covert operations- which will ensure-better relations and trust with foreign powers. If the British fail to produce the evidence, It will boost the Kigali's international ratings, and they may be more cautious with future operations.

    4. I tend to think that Kagame could better fit as Rwanda's trade minister or may be CEO of RDB than being president, obviously, his strongest assets are business and he would excell in that much better than as he does as a Head of state

  • #15

    @12 (samedi, 28 mai 2011 10:02)

    Ndumva ari ibyiza ko nicyongereza gikoreshwa hano. commentaire ntabwo zabuze ejo kuri article ya Kambanda Charles nubwo yari mucyongereza- kuberako ibyo yavugaga byari bisobanutse neza. Iyi article ishobora kuba yari nziza ariko umwanditsi ntabwo yashoboye gusobanura ibintu byanditse mu nsigamigani y'icyongereza aho bihuriye n'ubutegetsi bwa FPR- niyo mpamvu commentaire zabuze.si ukubera kwandika mucyongereza.

  • #14

    sinozubwonkonafpr (samedi, 28 mai 2011 09:51)

    @Mahoro Janvier

    Urakoze kudusubiriramo inkuru benshi muri twe dusanzwe tuzi Janvier we. Gusa byari kuba byiza nk`uko umuntwe w`inyandiko yawe ubivuga, iyo ugerageza guhuza ibi bikorwa by`izi nyamaswa zivugwa na G. Orwel mu gitabo cye n`imikorere ya politiki ya FPR y`ubu. You should have used a 'comparative approach' usually used to compare different political systems thus to make the reader understand the link between the title and the content of your article. You should therefore consider making a review of this article thus to include convincing facts about RPF ruling. In this sense, I think your article could contribute more for not all readers are conversant with the current political developments of Rwanda. Tks for considering my view.

  • #13

    miseke!! (samedi, 28 mai 2011 09:13)

    Uru rulimi ntabwo ruvugwa n'abanyarwanda bose plz uru rubuga mushyireho indimi twumva twese naho icyongereza mu giharire News times na bene wayo

  • #12

    ibya bose (samedi, 28 mai 2011 08:43)

    uru rubuga turashakaho igifaransa cyangwa ikinyarwanda gusa! ushyizeho inkuru atari umwambari wa kagame, ajye asemura! ngira ngo urabona ko commentaires zabuze!

  • #11

    Kagame has boxed himself in a tight corner,England UK News (samedi, 28 mai 2011 08:29)

    The British Case

    As noted, the British case is influenced by the South African one.

    AfricanDictator can confirm that the South Africans sought ways and means of de-escalating tensions between Rwanda and South Africa by approaching friendly governments that might reason with it. It is in this context that the South Africans approached the British given that the latter are seen as the main financiers of the Dictator in Rwanda.

    We can reveal that the intelligence communities of UK and South Africa engaged their Rwandan counterparts, arguing for calming down tempers, and to seek diplomatic solutions. But in Rwanda, the hardliners had the upper hand, effectively frustrating the engagements of the South Africans and the British “peace” attempts. Rwanda is a case of a child with a gun! The brain of a child misleads it to think that it is a global power and invincible.

    The London Episode

    The stupidity, blindness and arrogance of the Rwandan dictator paved the way for the disaster in Britain from which it will never recover diplomatically – even if the British do not cut off aid. Rwanda is becoming a pariah state – steadily but surely.

    The heavy-handedness of the Regime’s High Commission in London in petty harassment of Rwandans in UK had already annoyed British authorities who, through M15, warned Rwandan Ambassador of his mischief and unbecoming behavior.

    Later, when Rwandans opposed to the Kagame regime were preparing for their conference that included a former military officer that has recently acknowledged openly Rwandan army’s atrocities, the Kigali Dictatorship could not help itself. The Kigali Dictator went berserk. His officials in London once again started harassing Rwandans in UK especially the organizers.

    That is how the regime fell in trap! The British were not in the mood of nonsense. They had been monitoring every move from Rwanda to Europe and from Europe into UK.

    As they say, the rest is history. Stay tuned!

    What next for the Kigali Dictator?

    Rwanda’s crusade of terrorizing so-called political dissidents and its covert actions sponsored by Kagame and his inner circle has drawn greater intelligence focus throughout the region and internationally. This is putting the spotlight firmly on the Dictator and his regime. This is undoubtedly placing strain on Rwanda’s relations with its friends and supporters. One does not have to be a genius to realize that the Kigali Dictator is poorly advised and therefore not “boxing smart” against his perceived opponents. To the contrary, he has boxed himself in a tight corner.

  • #10

    NAHIMANA1 (samedi, 28 mai 2011 07:11)

    President Paul Kagame, yesterday told residents of Nyagatare District, Eastern Province, that a lot has been achieved over the last 10 years.

    Addressing hundreds of thousands who had gathered at Umutara Polytechnic University playground, Kagame said that the district has made commendable progress in all areas.

    From infrastructure to social welfare, President Kagame said that Nyagatare has managed to transform itself from one of the most disadvantaged and impoverished districts, to one of the wealthiest in the country.

    The Head of State noted that concerted efforts by the government and the people have paid off, making Nyagatare a centre of attraction, today.

    He pointed out that the district was, at one point, faced with multiple challenges, including an influx of people returning from exile, and long dry spells, which affected agricultural production, but today, all these challenges have been addressed.

    The President said that what the district has achieved confirms the fact that when people put their efforts together, everything is possible.

    He pointed out that a lot more can be done in the next 5 or 10 years.

    President Kagame added that the progress in Nyagatare district is clearly visible and should provide the basis to do more, since the foundation is already in place.

    He cited the transformation from traditional to modern farming as an example of how Nyagatare has improved agricultural production within a short time.

    The Head of State further said that the government’s efforts to increase agricultural production are aimed at benefiting all Rwandans, noting that so far the country has been able to achieve food security. He added that the next step is to produce surplus for export.

    The President pledged continued government support to modernize agriculture in the district. To that end, he said the government will continue to provide electricity, infrastructure and water conservation projects to support irrigation.

    He went on to urge the residents to form cooperatives, saying that when people join efforts a lot can be achieved.

    Later in the evening, President Kagame officially opened a retreat for the Eastern Province business community.

    The President noted that the business community has demonstrated patriotism by supporting government programmes and investing in their own country.

    He commended them for supporting the One-cow-per-family programme and the anti-Nyakatsi (thatched houses) drive.

  • #9

    KANYARWANDA2 (samedi, 28 mai 2011 07:10)

    Morally, Kagame shines far above George Bush and Tony Blair or Cameron and Obama. The leaders of these democracies have proceeded to jail, torture and kill suspected Al Qaeda sympathisers without any due process – including small people like taxi drivers, idlers and hawkers. In Rwanda, Kagame has promoted restorative justice where only the ringleaders of genocide were prosecuted while the masses who implemented it have been forgiven and re-integrated in society.

    The scale of the challenge RPF faced was such that hardly anyone would have predicted success. One would have expected a counter genocide. There were only isolated human rights abuses. Within 17 years, RPF has been able to reconstruct the state and economy and institutionalise power so rapidly that human rights abuses are increasingly becoming a thing of the past. The speed and effectiveness of this achievement is a feat without precedent in human history.

    Today, poor Rwanda has 98% of its people on medical insurance, 100% of its mothers give birth with the assistance of a medical professional, 97% of its pregnant mothers receive antenatal care, 100% of its malnourished kids get milk and cereal from government clinics daily etc. Kagame has been the driver of this, a factor that demonstrates his commitment to humanity, not a cruel, human rights-abusing delusional despot that Birrell presents. This journalist may wish to join a human rights campaign for Osama Bin Laden who has been killed “without trial by Obama.”

    The issue of hired Rwandan hit-men is a joke except that the allegation is made by the British police. The influence of Western prejudices has penetrated our (African) social consciousness. So we also easily believe that we are as barbaric as western media and scholar have constructed us. We are more inclined to believe that when the British police say something, it is true. We forget that the British police are as prejudiced as its journalists.

    This prejudice led western intelligence to believe wild stories by Iraqi exiles that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction even without pausing to question the credibility of their sources. I find it hard to believe that the government of Rwanda is so reckless as to jeopardise its relations with UK by attempting to kill Musonera and Mugyenzi – the two are too insignificant in the wider challenges Rwanda government faces to risk everything to kill them. These accusations are therefore bought because of deeply entrenched western prejudices about Africa.

  • #8

    KANYARWANDA1 (samedi, 28 mai 2011 07:09)

    Without placing allegations of human rights abuses in context, it is easy to call Obama or Cameron delusional despots.

    Last week, President Paul Kagame of Rwanda, while on twitter, got into a heated exchange with a British journalist, one Ian Birrell. The journalist was accusing him of human rights violations, insisting the Rwandan president should account to him (as who?)for these abuses. Then Birrell shifted from accusations to insults and called Kagame a “delusional despot.” Meanwhile, the Rwandan president remained calm and continued to explain to Birrell that he does not know much about Rwanda and has therefore no right to judge him.

    Over the years, human rights activists, end-poverty evangelists, politicians, rock stars, journalists and diplomats from the western world have become extremely vocal in affairs that concern the people of Africa. They carry a near-cultural arrogance that makes them feel qualified to judge and dictate affairs on the continent. One wonders why this British journalist (like many of his ilk) feels he cares about the human rights of the people of Rwanda than its elected president and government. Why does he think he is more humane (or human) than Kagame?

    Later in the week the police in London warned two Rwandan exiles – Rene Mugyenzi and Jonathan Musonera – that Kigali had sent a hit squad to kill them. The British media hyped it equating it to Alexander Litvinenko, the Russian ex-spy who was allegedly killed in London by Russian intelligence in 2007.

    I do not put it past the Rwandan government to try to kill those it considers dangerous to its security. All governments, democratic or otherwise do. Bin Laden has just met his fate as many enemies of America including presidents of sovereign nations have. This is not to say such actions are morally right. Rather, it shows that states kill to promote their interests; if Kagame tried it, it would not be an aberration by a “delusional despot”.

    My interest however is how western media cover these issues when it comes to Africa – and how Africans parrot it. Many western journalists begin from the assumption that African leaders are barbaric tyrants. Therefore, any negative story they hear about an African leader only confirms this prejudice. So they make little or no effort to crosscheck and confirm the authenticity of the accusations. Cognitive scientists call this “confirmation bias”; even ridiculous allegations are taken as ipso facto true.

    For example, I believe there have been many instances when the government of Rwanda under Kagame has committed human rights abuses. This was true most especially immediately after the genocide. I do not share RPF’s self-image as a holy organisation. I take it that the state was still fragile. However, the intensity of such abuses has greatly diminished as the regime has consolidated.

    Anyone with the most basic knowledge of post conflict political consolidation would not be surprised by this. RPF inherited a collapsed state, its own military and administrative structures were in infancy. Therefore, human rights abuses were inevitable results of state weakness, not blood-thirsty leadership. What is surprising is not that these abuses took place at all but rather the effectiveness and speed with which RPF has been able to consolidate power and establish a stable political order.

    Just compare poverty-stricken Rwanda to Great Britain and the United States – nations that have existed for centuries and have developed enormous and rich intellectual, financial, technological and institutional resources and capabilities. When Al Qaeda, an external enemy, killed 3,000 people on 9/11, they began to detain suspects without trial, torture them and invade other countries. There, their armies have committed atrocities against ordinary civilians. Does this make President Barak Obama and Prime Minister David Cameron, “delusional despots”?

    Post genocide Rwanda confronted mass murderers who had killed one million people. The killers were not foreigners from distant lands. They were resident citizens. Although the genocide had been planned by the state, it was executed by society – so RPF inherited a criminal population. A young and fragile army had to pacify a country where the enemy lurked everywhere. How anyone would expect zero human rights abuses in such context is beyond me.

  • #7

    KARANGWA3 (samedi, 28 mai 2011 07:08)

    Ndahiro is a passionate believer. But what can one know about a country by talking to its people or admiring its capital? Can the capital, like the heart, reveal what gives a nation its energy? Are leaders, like Ndahiro, the soul that gives the nation its essence?

    These questions perturb every keen visitor to a new place. They are more poignant in Rwanda which, like a mask, gives away little. So the key to the determination of this tiny nation to offer everyone, Rwandan and visiting foreigner, an experience of life beyond expectation is often missed. Yet, as shown in recent discussions I had with senior business and political leaders, bureaucrats, taxi drivers and hotel waiters, the determination to succeed is what has shaped the miracle of ‘little Europe’ as foreigners, who nowadays flock there for holiday, gorilla trekking, and business, call Rwanda.

    One story illustrates this. It was told to me by a frequent visitor to Rwanda. Apparently, he was being chauffeured around Kigali when something very unusual happened. His driver, Peter, suddenly swung the car round without consulting him and started to chase a huge four-drive car. When they caught up with it, Peter jumped out of their car and went for the occupants of the 4-by-4.

    “Why did you throw an empty plastic bottle out of your car,” Peter shouted furiously, “I saw you. Go and remove it.” My friend told me that he was surprised when the people they had pursued, who were obviously not ordinary folks, meekly drove their car back to where they had thrown the plastic bottle, picked it up, and drove off.

    I met the driver, Peter in Kigali and he confirmed the story. I asked him why he did it and he explained. Still, I kept asking myself, what makes an ordinary person so passionate about a policy of his government? I was thinking about it as I left Kigali at about 20hrs when suddenly, I noticed a convoy turning off Airport Road. It was the CEO of Rwanda Inc., President Kagame, driving to his residence in `Kiyovu of the rich’ from his office in the new Village Urigwiro. He works a 9am-to-6pm day. As I checked-in to board my flight through Gate 1 at Kigali International Airport, I thought about what could become of Kigali when Kagame’s last seven-year term ends in 2017. Will his work style have become a culture? It is another secret that Kigali is still keeping.

    This May, the government took a drastic decision; it would divest its shares in the biggest telecom company, MTN. The decision signified the state’s recognition that a vibrant economy requires a powerful private sector. The state has been too strong on the economy for too long; it has provided the houses people live in, the roads and buses, and the schools and hospitals. Ensuring the welfare has been good, but as the oil economies of the Arab states that pioneered the model have shown, it is not the best model for an emerging lion economy.

  • #6

    KARANGWA2 (samedi, 28 mai 2011 07:06)

    Indeed moving around Kigali, one sees soldiers and police standing sentry at many locations. To a visitor their pervasive presence intimidates. The deployment intensified soon after a spate of grenade attacks rocked the city soon after the presidential elections last year that Kagame won with 93 percent of the vote. The residents do not seem to notice the soldiers who stand menacingly, in battle fatigues, with neat black boots and red berets and fingers on the trigger of their AK47s.

    “You can even step on their head and they will do nothing to you,” one resident boasted, “they only react if you do something criminal.”

    Most visitors find such confidence quite unusual but common. It is a far cry from the old Rwanda of the 1994 genocide when the State turned on its own people and organised the slaughter of a million in just 100 days.

    Today, the Nyarutarama mansions and their swimming pools, have swept away the old regime of the late Juvenal Habyarimana with its asbestos roofed maisonettes and its mantra of `life is farming’ and `one hoe per child’. In its place, Kagame and his team have introduced a new dotcom orientation of `one laptop per child’. Understanding how they achieved it would be useful. That is why I asked Lt. Col. Dr Emmanuel Ndahiro, Rwanda’s Secretary General of National Security Services and one of the leading thinkers of Kagame’s government about it.

    The lean, soft-spoken intellectual, who studied medicine at Makerere University in Uganda before joining the RPF to fight for the liberation of his country, was reading former Kenyan MP Joe Khamisi’s The Politics of Betrayal when we met at the Kigali Serena Hotel. He attributes the new Rwanda to the character and discipline of President Kagame who is a perfectionist in everything.

    “President Kagame has won his way the hard way,” he said in a wide ranging conversation, “he won the trust of the people. Now we can change anything.”

    To show how it has not been easy, Ndahiro narrated how in early 1992, as Kagame’s RPF intensified its fight to capture power, Pasteur Bizimungu the man who would be Rwanda’s first post-genocide president, once doubted they could make it.

    “We had been striking the enemy and retreating,” Ndahiro narrated, “this time however, we decided to stand and engage the enemy. We scattered them and many deserted. That is how Bizimungu was shown that it was possible.” According to Ndahiro, similar tough persuasion was applied on everyone else who initially doubted their ability to succeed.

    Ndahiro says the Rwandans trust the government because they see that the reforms it is carrying out, like the land reform and demolishing half of the old Kigali are good and not for the selfish benefit of the leaders. Every Rwandan, like Gakwaya, shares in the success.

    But the efficiency and precision of Kagame’s regime results from another, more strategic reason: It is a lesson the RPF leaders learnt the hard way during their war with the old regime. According to Ndahiro, fighting without the luxury of a fallback position prepared them to operate within very narrow margins of error; to ensure everything succeeds the first time.

    “Having a fallback position is very dangerous,” says Ndahiro, “we always knew that if we failed, it could be disastrous.” It is a lesson they have taught the Rwandan people well.

  • #5

    KARANGWA1 (samedi, 28 mai 2011 07:05)

    In Kigali the unique is commonplace

    Unlike most international airports, the departure lounge at Kigali International Airport is one large hall the size of a standard lawn tennis court with a section hewn off for the VIP. So its three `gates’, as the departure doors are called in the language of air travel, appear as superfluous as the shuttle bus that drives you to the plane just 20 metres away. As one leaves this country, with its reticent people and inscrutable ways, one thinks about such little niceties which are, in fact, not superfluous. Nothing in Rwanda is opulent. But almost everything shows the staid determination of this country to make every Franc and every life count.

    Driving through the new Kigali suburb of Nyarutarama, with its new, well-lit and paved streets, neatly arranged bungalows, manicured lawns and flower-lined walking tracks and swanky restaurants, it becomes obvious that it is the spirit of the new Rwanda. The old Kiyovu suburb, with its dilapidated tiny asbestos roofed maisonettes and rickety gates is the fading old capital.

    Until four years ago, Jean Gakwaya, lived in the worst part of this Kiyovu called Kiyovu yabacene; `Kiyovu of the poor’. His was a mud and wattle house, without water and electricity. Today, the 36-year-old carpenter lives in a well built burnt-brick house with all modern amenities in a planned settlement called Batsinda on one of the many lush green hills a few kilometres from the capital. Everything here is new, including Gacuriro Road which leads to Batsinda just off the new main highway to Byumba, north of Kigali.

    The government, through Kigali City Council, with funding from the Housing Bank of Rwanda, built Gakwaya’s house and 250 others at about US$6000 each. It compensated him for his former shanty, and offers him subsidised services like improved earth roads, piped water, cooking biogas, and bus transport to his new community of two bed-roomed homes with inside toilet and kitchen. Gakwaya, like his neighbours in the new settlement, was supposed to service a sort of mortgage for his new home but to date there has been no attempt by the City Council to collect it.

    Surprisingly, Gakwaya does not find it unusual that the government is doing all this for him. He also takes for granted the health insurance, Mutuelles de santé, that the government provides him and 98% of all Rwandans. Never mind that when he fell off a four-storey block he was roofing, the insurance scheme to which he contributes a paltry equivalent of US$2 every year in member premium, forked out Rwandan Francs 450,000 (approx. US$ 750 or two times his annual income) for his treatment.

    Gakwaya’s attitude is typical in the new Rwanda. He says without Mutuelles de santé he would possibly be dead, he loves his new home, and is grateful that the government helped his community set up the Obumwe Batsinda cooperative chicken farm to supplement his income and enables him take his daughter to a good private school. But his tone shows that, like a child expects to be fed by the mother, he expects nothing less from the government. Almost all Rwandans feel this way.

    The day before I met Gakwaya, I had been to Kigali’s elite hospital, King Faisal, in the posh Kacyiru area when the newly appointed Minister of Health, Dr Agnes Binagwaho (Rwanda has many women ministers and the highest number of female MPs of any country in the world), was visiting four patients who had been evacuated by a military helicopter from neighbouring Tanzania after an accident that killed two. Evacuating victims of such tragedy has become quite common in Rwanda. Every village has an ambulance on call in case of emergency. But I was surprised by the minister’s answer when a journalist asked her if the government could still evacuate citizens in case the numbers were big.

    “Why do you doubt your government,” the minister asked, “that is how a government should work.”

    Later, at about 8pm in the evening, as I walked with friends along the Golf Course Road past the Nyarutarama Sports Club where the architect of the new Rwanda, President Paul Kagame, sometimes plays a game of tennis, we met a lone lady taking a walk in the night. Are you not afraid to be walking here alone at this time, we asked. Not at all she said, surprised by our question, there are soldiers and police patrolling. She was a Briton living in Rwanda who had obviously caught the Rwandan bug of taking government’s service for granted.

  • #4

    NZAHAHA/GIHUNDWE 3 (samedi, 28 mai 2011 07:03)

    Rwandans have been told that these people have formed an armed group, and that they intend to create havoc and harm Rwandans imminently. Don’t you think you need to reassure Rwandans of their security by pursuing these threats through more channels than just the legal route?

    That is not the way we do business. We try to get authorities in other countries where they are connected to use the legal means.

    If you don’t use force or violent means, how do you explain accusations of human rights abuses by international rights organizations?

    My feeling is that people are falling in the trap of these guys. I have lived in exile and I know the politics of Diaspora opposition. And I know how things work. It is very easy for people there not to know who is who and who is talking to whom.

    How is it done?

    There is a psychological warfare that takes place in the Diaspora. I opposed the government that was in Rwanda in the early 90s from the USA. And any means is good to put the government in a bad light…It is easy for the people in the general public and the media to fall in the trap of opposition politics in another country.

  • #3

    NZAHAHA/GIHUNDWE2 (samedi, 28 mai 2011 07:02)

    Did you try to find out?

    No I didn’t.


    I just find it weird that you would intercept somebody who is suspected of harming somebody on your territory, interrogate them and let them go and call the whole thing ‘the Rwandan government’. That is where my problem is. If somebody did something, then put it out or wait until you interrogate him before you accuse my government.

    Why has Rwanda’s ambassador to the UK denied having been warned by UK intelligence (MI5) that his country should stop harassing its citizens living in the UK when reports indicate that he was actually warned during the recent royal wedding?

    Our ambassador is always in touch with the people in the foreign affairs office. They only asked him if he was aware of this. All he is aware of, as we are, is what we saw in the media. Nobody gave us the police paper, and more importantly, nobody showed us that we are guilty.

    What are the political implications for Rwanda’s foreign relations with the UK?

    This case reinforces the bias against Rwanda in particular, but it also perfectly fits with the perception that our governments in Africa face: that all African countries are made of dictators, repressive regimes….in other words, it would not be as easy to accuse any of the western governments or leaders of being behind an assassination plot without producing proof. Rwanda takes these allegations seriously. Before we go to the international image, we look at what this means for Rwandans. I don’t think people in this country look at what other people say about this government before they decide whether it is the government they want or not. It is judged by the people of Rwanda from what it does and what it represents; and that is the most fundamental thing. They know that Rwanda has had enemies for a long time, so this is nothing new.

    Do you think this will endanger the foreign aid Rwanda gets from the UK?

    I don’t think aid should be used as a blackmailing tool. We certainly benefited from UK aid, they are our strong partners and we have used their support quite effectively, which is why we even got more, but to separate this aid from what else is happening in the country doesn’t make since. I am assuming the UK has a good reason why it gives aid to Rwanda.

    Do you have a plan to shake off these allegations?

    We don’t neglect the image of the country. That is why we go out and explain, both publicly and through other channels. We don’t want people to take us for who we are not, but there is only so much we can go or do. For example, I can’t force these UK papers to publish the other side of my story. We sent our own version of the story to The Independent of UK and it was never published.

    This is the second time you are accused of an assassination attempt. Don’t you think that where there is smoke there is fire?

    In this particular case, there is smoke without fire. There is this idea that what you see in Rwanda is not what is there. They can continue to accuse us, but we will remain innocent until proven guilty. We will continue fighting as much as we can. It’s been a year since we were accused of alleged assassination attempt on Kayumba Nyamwasa. Where is the trial? Where is the evidence? Yet, we stand accused. South Africa is a free country, they should have evidence in court, but the whole thing is stack.

    Rwanda declared Kayumba Nyamwasa and Patrick Karegeya as terrorists. Do you therefore feel you have the right to assassinate them like Obama did to Osama Bin Laden and Israel has done to Hamas and Hezbollah leaders?

    We are pursuing them of course, but the legal route. We don’t believe in following and assassinating people who don’t like us. Kayumba, and others are people who are rather involved in activities to harm Rwandans and destabilize this country, but the best way to pursue them is sharing information with authorities in different countries and institutions.

    But this legal method seems like it is not paying off. It looks like you are losing the battle.

    Not yet. You don’t expect people to be caught or be extradited so quickly either. This is a complicated matter. The whole legal route takes a long time. We have pursued that and we have put them on trial. They were found guilty and as far as I know, they are fugitives. In the UK, we have people who harmed Rwandans, people associated with the rebel group FDLR that participated in the genocide. We know who they are and we know where they are. We shared information about them with many countries including the UK. So, we don’t go around assassinating people.

  • #2

    NZAHAHA/GIHUNDWE (samedi, 28 mai 2011 07:01)

    Strong allegation but no evidence, says Rwanda’s Foreign Minister
    How do you respond to allegations that Rwanda was plotting to assassinate two Rwandans living in the UK?

    First, in December 2010, our high commissioner in London was told by UK officials that there were complaints by a Rwandan woman, Jean Uwamwiza, who lives in London. She made up a story of being harassed. The UK checked to verify her allegations and they found nothing. This time around, we get stories of the government of Rwanda intending to harm two members of the Rwandan community in the UK. I asked our High Commissioner in London to find out and all we are told is that there is reliable evidence. We asked them to explain how, where, when, and there was no answer to that. I asked the UK High Commissioner to Rwanda to provide the reliable evidence. He did not. As we were trying to figure it out, the next thing we see is every UK media outlet running the story.

    What was your reaction to the UK’s High Commissioner’s failure to provide evidence?

    That is where our frustration comes from. I told him: “Your police goes around accusing us, but nobody wants to say who is who.” The two Rwandan men ran with the story to the media accusing our government. First of all, Rwanda has enemies in the UK, including people associated with the genocide. I told him we don’t go around killing people, not this particular time and not anytime. We don’t go around killing people, it is not the way we do politics. In fact we welcome the request by some of the UK MPs who are asking for an investigation. We want to know and understand what is going on.

    But hasn’t the media said what is going on?

    There is quite a bit of naivety with some people in the media. At least in my mind, there is very little knowledge about these guys. They are nobodies here. Who are they that the government would plot to kill them?

    But you said these individuals are part of the wider network of state enemies.

    Their names barely ring a bell for a lot of people. And they are most definitely not going to cause any threat according to the information that we have. In a way, maybe they have political ambitions, but we in Kigali don’t consider them as a threat at all. If we were to be a bad government, and an assassin government, we would not go after people we barely know. Who are these people in Rwanda politics? Of course we would like to be given the benefit of the doubt, but let’s say you don’t want to go around that route, the least you want to know is what kind of threat do these people constitute? And the answer is zero.

    Then who poses a threat?

    Rwanda has had a number of people who tend to oppose the government, to run political parties and so forth. But so far there is no group that will keep us awake because they are a serious threat, although even a small threat has to be addressed. But these two men are way too small for us to pay attention and for our government to plot an assassination.

    Who is this Rwandan man that security organs say they intercepted from entering the UK?

    I have no idea. I just saw it in the news.

  • #1

    Mwirebe namwe (samedi, 28 mai 2011 04:59)

    Ibibazo bya Proust: Uko Perezida Kagame abona isi

    posted on May , 27 2011 at 13H 33min 17 sec viewed 18607 times

    Mu ntangiriro z’uku kwezi kwa Gicurasi, Perezida Kagame yasubije itsinda ry’ibibazo ryitwa ‘Le Questionnaire de Proust’, aho yavugaga mu magambo make ku buryo atekereza, ibyo akunda, ibyo yanga n’uburyo abona abandi bantu n’isi muri rusange.

    Urwo rutonde rwa Proust rugizwe n’ibibazo byinshi abongereza bakundaga kubazanya mu mpera z’ikinyejana cya 19. Umuntu yabazwaga ibyo bibazo na bagenzi be, maze bakamenya uko atekereza bahereye ku bisubizo yatanze. Umwanditsi w’umufaransa Marcel Proust yakundaga gusubiza ibyo bibazo cyane, ndetse byaje no kugaragara muri bimwe mu bitabo bye. Ibyo bibazo byaje gukoreshwa n’umunyamakuru Bernard Pivot mu kiganiro cye cyo kuri televiziyo cyitwaga ‘Apostrophes’, n'abandi banyamakuru bakazajya babikoresha babyitirira Proust.

    Ibibazo bya Proust bikunze kubazwa abanyapolitiki, abahanzi, abanyamadini n'abandi bantu bakomeye ku isi. Dore uko Perezida Kagame yasubije ibibazo bya Proust yabazwaga na François Soudan, umunyamakuru ukomeye wa Jeune Afrique.

    Ni ikihe kintu cy’ibanze kikuranga?

    Perezida Kagame: Nemera inshigano zanjye kandi ndazubaha. Sinemera na rimwe ko hari umbwira uko nkwiye kwitwara cyangwa uko igihugu cyanjye gikwiye kwitwara. Munyubahe, nk’uko nanjye mbubaha.

    Ni ikihe kintu cyiza kigushimisha ku wundi muntu, yaba umugabo cyangwa umugore?

    Perezida Kagame: Ni uburyo yitwara.

    Ni iki wanga?

    Perezida Kagame: Nanga kutaba inyangamugayo.

    Ni iyihe ndangagaciro yawe y’ibanze?

    Perezida Kagame: Ubutabera.

    Ni izihe ntege nke zawe?

    Perezida Kagame: Ni iz’uko ntajya nemera ibyananiye (faiblesses/weaknesses).

    Ni ikihe kintu wagezeho ubwawe cyagushimishije kurusha ibindi?

    Perezida Kagame: Ni icy’uko nakomeje kuba uwo nari ndi we.

    Kuri wowe, umunezero ni iki?

    Perezida Kagame: Ni ukugera ku byo nifuza.

    Naho ibyago ni iki kuri wowe?

    Perezida Kagame: Ni Jenoside, uretse ko yo irenze ibyago.

    Mu bundi buzima, wumva wakora uwuhe murimo?

    Perezida Kagame: Naba umupilote w’indege cyangwa ingénieur. Icyo nakora cyose, mpfa kuba ndi mu mudendezo.

    Ni ibihe bitabo uherutse gusoma?

    Perezida Kagame: Naked Economics cya Charles Wheelan, na Competitive Strategy cya Michael Porter.

    Ni uwuhe muntu ubona nk’intwari, wumva wakwigana?

    Perezida Kagame: Ntawe mbona.

    Ifunguro ukunda kurusha ayandi?

    Perezida Kagame: Ntaryo. Mfungura bimwe n'ibyo abo turi kumwe bari gufungura.

    Naho ikinyobwa ukunda kurusha ibindi?

    Perezida Kagame: Amazi, icyayi. Divayi iyo bibaye ngombwa, nabwo kandi ni ugusomaho sinyinywa.

    Ese iyo usomyeho urabyishimira?

    Perezida Kagame: Reka da!

    Urumva umeze ute muri aka kanya?

    Perezida Kagame: Ndatuje. Mfite ubushake bwo gukora ngo nubake ejo hazaza. Mfite icyizere gifatika kandi gifite aho gishingiye ku hazaza h’igihugu cyanjye. Si icyizere cy’aho gusa, kuko nta wubaka adashyizeho ingufu za buri munsi.

    Utekereza iki ku byo umaze kubazwa??

    Perezida Kagame: Yewe, n’ubundi sinkunda kuvuga ku binyerekeye.

    Kanda hano usome ibibazo n'ibisubizo mu gifaransa.

    Olivier NTAGANZWA